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-r'' V T^'^ * 



Whose initiation of cultirral revolt in colonial 

India, later taken up by Babasaheb Dr. B.R, 

Ambedkar, Periyar E.V. Ramaswamy and 

many other rebellious spirits brought us 

to this level where we are thinking, 

planning and struggling to put an 

end to the Cbamcha Age and usher 

in Bright Age for the Skudras 

and Ati-Shudras. 



( All Era Of the Stooges ) 

first Edition 

Publistied on 24th Sepiemberr T982 

on the occeaion of 50th Anriver^afv of 

The FoMW F«ct 

Prlo* : Km, 10/- 

PublUhed by : 

Kaiuhi Ram 

2323, Hardhian Sin^h Road* 

KaroZ Ba^ib, 



Printed at : 
Vcdic MudranalayBi 
3957. Pabari Dbtr^, 
Delhi- nOOC6 


As vfctims of the firahminic&J culture, for cefituxica, the 
Sbudros And Ati-Shudras, now known u the Backward Ca«tea 
(S. C., S- T. aad O. B, C) were passiiig through the Bark Aje. 
Aioiiad IS4S JyoUrao Phujc initiated revolt agaiaat the Brahmini* 
cal cujEure, From the bcginoJDg of the 20th ccniury, the Deprn* 
■led CJamcs all over India atartcd revoiuog agaLnsi the Brahi»i^ 
otoal culture, ArouQd I920j they were lucky to have the leaden 
ftbjp ofDr B. R. Amljcdkar. 

Upto 1930, The fitriiggle of the Deppwsed GtAM«d was lar* 
gcly ignored by Gaudliiji and the Coagress, Dunog the Rouiid 
Tftble Coufcrcncca of 1930,31 & 32 when it could not bo igoord, 
Gandhijj and ius Congress foughi tooth aud nad to dcuy them 
their due. But on the 17 ih August 1932, when the CommuntL 
Award was announced, Gandhiji was shocked to see that the able 
leadership of Dr. Ambedkar could sccuxo for ihcm, both 
RecAgnitJoD and Rightv. 

This was lOo much for Gandhiji and his Congress. To deny 
the Depressed C(asjie« their due Gandhiji went on taai till death 
on 20th Sept. J932. Such coercive methods forced Poona-P^ict 
Oil the Depressed Classes. But cv«n the Poona-Pact could not 
take away Rcco^aitjoa. Thus we s« that when Caste Hindus w«re 
forced to concede a little bit of power, ihey took to second line 
of defence. They saw to It thai they must not Iobc conirol over it. 
This waa secured by the Poona-Paei, by way of denying ilie right 
to Serrate £lectontei auJ forcing the J^uil £lectojrat>ei OQ 
tbe I>cpressed Classes. Through the Joint EL ectoraCcfl, the re- 
pFcsentalives of the Depressed Classes became onEy nominal rv* 
preacDtatives and not real representatives, for no uaioucbabJo who 
did not agree to be a nomiaee of the Caite Hindus and b« a 
Chamctui in their hands, could be elected in d Joint Electoral 
(e» in which the Uolouchablc voter was outnumbered in ratio of 

WiUi tbis started Che Ouu^cha Age ^d Sept. 24, 1932, il^e 
dal« When Pooaa-Pact was signed taking away Ihc Separate Ele- 
ctorates and forcing the Joint Electorates on the DcpresEUcd 
Classes of India^ Now when Ihc Chamcba Age is 50 year^ old, it 
has been decided to write this bookj bc&Edcs denounciag tho Poona 
Pact in a big way and a]\ over India. 

The purpose of writing ibis book is to enljghien, awaken aod 
cauiion the Datit-Shosihit Samaj (Oppressed and Exploited Soci- 
ety) and its worlcers and leaders about the large scale existence 
of this element of stooges (Chamchas) in our opprc&sed and ex- 
ploited society- The bnob is also designed to make the masaes, 
especially the workers, to distinguidi between the genuine and 
thecounterfeLt leadership. Those who struggle to change the 
times, the Age, muat know and understand the Age in which they 
are living and operating, Tbc book is designed to serve thai pur- 
pose as vft'ell. 

To m^kethe hook more purposeful, it has been divided into 
4 parts and 17 chapters. Part I and JI gives a glimpse of the past 
struggles, Part III speaks of the present times and Part TV sugge- 
sts ways and means for the future struggles. Thus all the 4 pans 
and 17 chapters put to-gether secure continuity of the pa^tipresent 
and future happenings and struggles relevant to the purpose before 
the Book. 

Initially a booklet of about 50 pages was desigm^d to etili* 
ghten and caution our qwq missionary workers about the e:tis^ 
tence and nature of the clement of stooges amongst the oppressed 
and exploited Indians. Later on, it was thought necessary to 
give the backgrouad, the past events that eventually pushed us 
Into theChamcha Age. To fulfil this need» tbc quoting of 
past events cjEtensively became joevil^ble. All this brought the 
book to its. preseat size. 

The hook cootaioB 3 mcmoraiidumB and one long statement 
by Dr. B. R. Ambedkar Ever otherwise Dr. Anibedkar has 
been largely referred and extensively quoted. Keeping in mind 
the oontroversral nature of the topic and the wrong stand on cele- 
brating the golden jiibilee of the Poooa Pact by the lieutenants 
ofBaba Sflheb AmbedJcar, we are forced to lake shelter imdrrthe 
heavy cover of his wrifiiogs aod works. Thus the mk of repetition 

,Aad ovcr-emphafiis has been purposely aad wilfully token to ficcuro 
coDiffiuity, clarjiy and credibility. 

The followbe 4 words :— (i) Tool (il) Agent (iii) Stooge (iv) 
Chumcha carry almost the same meaning, but slightly different 
fipirir. All over ihc book, thc&c 4 words have been utcd depcndi- 
iog upon ibcir cUccLivcncss ia carrying the mcamng and Ibe spirit. 
In (he commoD man's Ecrmiaology. a looK an agent, or a stooge 
is termed as Chamcha. And in this book, 1 have decided to use 
common man's twminology. To my mind, it will be fruitful to 
u« common man's terminology wb?n we fight for his cause. 

ir you call some one ai Cbamcha. be will not like t[ and Is 
likely lo go against you. But when you are calling the Age as 
ihc Chamcha Age, you are bicing so many aod they may hil back- 
But as Chamcba cannot operate on its own, the operator may hit 
you back with the Chamcha. We sbou[d» thcrerore, be prepared 
for the "Chamcha Attack'*, To keep the attack mild, we bave re- 
frained Trom IJlustraUog the events by giving the names, even at 
the risk of becoming vague and leaving a lot of guess work for 
our readers. 

At any rale, ibe Chamcha atUck Bhould not frighten us, be- 
cause a Cbamcha is not a powerful or a deadly weapon. Besides, 
wc inusf aim at the hand that uses the Chamcha, If hit hard, (he 
Chamcha will fall. A fallen Characha is absolutely harmless. 
Thus, this way* we hope Eo end the Chamclu Age within a 
•horl spaa of about 10 years. 

D-S^ Office, Kanshi Ram 

533^ Hardhan Sfngb Road, 
KarolBagh. New Dclhi-MOOOS 
24th Sept. 19«2 



Fre&c« — * 


Prelude fo Food a Fact 

U The Initial Efforts ? 

2. Ambcdkar Emerged W 

3. The Communal Award ^ 

4. Fast by Gaodhiji, Statement by Dr. Ambedkar W 

5. The Po^oa Pact ^ 


AmbnlkAT on Poona Fact 

K Disadvaolages ofthc Poona Pact *^ 

2, DcQUQcialion of the Poona Pact 



The Cbcuncfa* Ag« 

1» The Chamcha Age 99 

2. Various Varieties of the Chamchaa » 

3. Evil effects of the Chamcha Age l03 
, 4. Stooges (Chamchas) io the soup I'^ 


Thv WtLy Out 

1. Amlrtdfcar'fl Eflfom 117 

2. Po$t-Ambfldkar Position ^20 

3. Genuine & Capible Leadership 121 

4. Sho-rt-term Solution (Sociat Action) D-S4 123 

5. Long-tenD Solution (Political Action) 127 

6. Durable Solution (Cultural Ciiange & Coatrol) 13i 



1. The WtUI Efforrs f 

2, Ambedkar EmcTgcd '^ 

4, F«Btbr Gfciidliiji, Statement by Dr. Ambcdk^r 46 

9 The Poena P»c* ^ 



From the very bcBinmng of ihc 20ih century, fodia wifne*- 
Kd great chaages. In thrs cbaDging India, ihc oppmssed Indians 
^erc not 10 lag behind. Th= High Caste Hindus were Sghiing for 
Swarajya. (he Oppressed Indians were struggliag for sclf-ropcct- 
The sUves were shoutiDg for freedom and sclT-rurc. whereas tho 
alaveaofihe slaves were creating counter-noise for relief from 
the age old bODdage, serfdom aad humiliaiions unkaowa lo Iho 
rest of the world. The High Caste Hindus were building their 
organisation and developing techniques to coax the rulers, the 
Brieish, for an early ixaasfer of power into Ihcir hands. The de- 
pressed classes were geitiog frfghiencd by the very (bought of sudi 
a thing happening without rcticf for them aad adequate safeguards 
for Uwrir honourable living in the future where their a£c old 
oppresaers were to be the rulers of India, 

For the untouchables and the depressed classes it was a 
welcome chanRe, For centuries before that ihcy had been chfl 
willing ilavcs of the High Caste Hindus, Why Ihia sudden change 
on their part? This change was very much the oulcomc of tho 
British rule. With the British as rulers of liidra, came the west- 
ern education, western civilisation and culture. This exposure to 
the western civilisation and culture for a pretty long lime caused 
a new awakening amongst the depressed claascB. As a reauJc of 
the British rule many more factors became operaiivc and indu-* 
ccd alrouad aapiratioua amongcst the dcpr^sed classes of ladia. 

Dnriog tfeh period, we gad the depressed classes up in 
arms against unlouchability and uDJu*( social order almost all 
over India- Looking al the map of lodia, from Punjab to Bengal, 
the Adi-Dhannis, the Jatavas. the Kurcels, the Pasist the Paswans 
and the Namo-^hudraa were restless and struggling for fldf-rcspect< 
Moving downwards, we find the Ahirwars, the Berwas, the Saina- 
mis. the Mahars, the Adi-AndhraSp the Adi-Karnatakas, the Adi- 
Drtvidas, the Pulayaaandlhe Ezwas and many ntore groups of 


Ihe depressed classes Tcvoltlng against itc oppressive featuriaor 
the BrtthminicoJ culture. 

All these effons of ihc ilcpressed classes were yielding some 
results. Almost everywhere, ihc High Caste Hindus were making 
aoinc compromises- How the Congress* the organisation of 
the High Caste Hindui! was forced to pass the foltowing resolu- 
tion in the year 1917, shows the exleni of the success of ihe 
cffbrls of iLe depressed elates. 

The Congress resoEulion of 1917 ■ 

"This Congress urges upon ihe people of India ihe necessity 
jusiiceand riglilcouisncss of removing all di&abLlLiiestmpo.scd 
b^ custom upon the Depres^d Clasies, the di^^tbUidf ^ being 
oFamost vwalious and oppressive characteri subjecting 
those clas5.cs lo considerable hardship and inconvcnieoceJ' 

To win over Ihe fiyjflpathy and the conwnt oflhedepfM- 
iiftdoksscs to (ideover the [hen prevalent situotioa theConeresa 
wa« forced to pa^^ that rc^oTuiion. The passing of this resoJu- 
tion had been described by Dr. Ambedkar as a strange event. 
The helplessness of the Congress at that tinic, (he mischief of 
passing that resolution, later inaction i& described below ld tho 
words of Dr. Anibedkar : — 

""Againsi this background the resolution, passed by the 
Congress about the Depressed Classes in 1917 i$ obviously ft 
strange event. Tbe CongTcas had never done: such a thiag before 
although it bad functi^iined for thirty-two years. It was even 
contrary to its declared policy. 

Why did the Congress think it Ticccssary to pass such a 
resolution in the year 1917 ? What made it Uke congoixance of 
the Untouchables 7 What did it want to gain 1 Wboro did it 
want to deceive 7 Was it because of some ulterior motive 7 For 
an answer to ihes^e qucaiions one muBt turn to tbe follo\ving re-* 
solutions passed by the Depressed Classes In the year 1917 at two 
separate meetings held in the City of Bombay under two difTerent 
Preiidents. The first of these mceCinp was hold on the Uih 
November 1917 under the Chairnianihip of the late Sir Na ray an 


Chandavarlcar. To thai mcciioB the foltowing resolutions wcrti 
passed :- 

'Tirst RcsoIulionLoyalty to Briiish Govcrnracni and pra-' 
yer for victory to the Allies." '** 

"StfcOnd Resolution carne*l at tbc meeting by a o over- 
whelming majority, ihe dissentients being about a doz^n, expressed 
approval of ihc scheme: of reform [□ the admini&tmion of India 
rccomcncndcd by the Jndjan NatJonal Congress and tbc All India 
Muslim Uague/" 


"Tbird RcsofutJoQ carried unaniinously was : 'As the popu- 
lation of tbc Depressed Clashes in lodia considered Untouchabie 
and treated as stach, is very large, as their condition is very deg- 
raded owing to that treatment and aa they &tt behind iht rest of 
the people in point of education, being Unabk to secure fair 
oppfiftunitiKforlhdir improvement, thii public meeting of the 
Depressed Clm^ses strongly feels that in the Bcheme of ref>^rm and 
racon^iiiuLion of the Legislative Councils wtiich Government may 
be pleased (0 adopt, due regard be paid to the interests of the 
laid clashes. This mectiQg tbtrcfore prays the British Govcro' 
mcnt to be 50 gracious as to protect those ialercfils by granting to 
those classes the nsb[ to elect their own rcprescatatives to tho 
laid Councils in proportion to their numbers/' 

'"Fourth Resolution unanimously carried at the meeting 
was 1 'That the Gowcrnmcnl be prayed for Ibe adoption, with all 
convenient spectt, of a compulsory and fr«c syuccn of educatloa 
rendered necessary by ihc l^ct that the Kociai elevation of any 
cominunity depends upon (he universal spread of educstioa a mo* 
og ita membc^rs aad that dcgrad:ition of the Depressed Classes is 
due to their illiteracy and ignorance." 

*'Fifth Resolutioa carried unanimously was as follows : — 
*Thai the Chairman of this public mceling be authorised to request 
the Indian National Congress to pass at i[5 forthcoming sessioD a 
distinct and independeni resolution declaring to the pcopfe of 
Indiaat large the necessity, justice, and righteouBncM ofrcmo- 
ving ali the disabilities imposed by religaon and custom upon the 

Depressed Qasacs» those disabilities being of B most v^j^atious 
and oppressive character, subjeciing those clasMs to coosidcrabla. 
hardship and tDConvenince by prohibiting them from admission 
Into puWic schools, hospitals, courts ofjustice and public offices, 
and the use of public wells cic. "Hiese disabiJities social in origin, 
amount in law and practice to political disabiJiries and as such 
foil Icgilimalciy within the political missioo and propaganda 
of the Indian National Congress." 

"Sixth Resolution prays biW Hindus of the cajies O'lhcr than 
the Untouchables and Depressed, especially those of i he higher 
castes, who claim polflical rights, to tate steps for the purpose of 
removing the Wot of degradation frora the Depressed ClasseSi 
which has subjected those classes to the worst of if eatmenl in 
their own country." 

The second meeting was also held in November 1937a ffeet 
or so after the &rst meeting. The Chairman was one Bapujt 
Namdeo Bagade a leader of the Non- Brahmin Party. At thj* 
jnecting the following resolutions were unanimously adopted :— 

(l> Rcsolation ofloyally to the British throne." 
"(2) That this meeting catinot give its sup-pod lo the Cong- 
reas-Leaguc Scheme in spite of its having been dtcfared to have 
been passed at the meeting of Hih Novembef 19t7 by an over- 
whelming mEJority," 

*'(3) That it is the sense of this meeting that ihe adminiat-' 
ration of India should be largely under the control of the British 
till all classes and specially the Depressed Classes, rise up to a 
condiUon to effectually participate in the administration oftha 

"(4) That if the British Government have decided to gave 
political concession TO the Indian Public, this meeting prays that 
Government should grant the Untouchables their own rcprcsenta- 

livcs intbe various legislative bodies la ensure to tbem their civiL 

and political rights." 

"{5} That this meeting approves of the objects oftho 
Bafaiskrit Bharat Samaj (Depressed India ASBOcbtron) and 


ftuppom the deputation Lo be seat on its behalf to Mr Montagu''. 
"(6) That this meeting prays that GovenuBtui loofcing to 
Ihc special needs of the Dcpr&9fied Classes, shouli! make primary 
education both free and compulBory. That the meeting tI«o 
requests rhc GovernmcQi to give special raciljtics by way of 
scholarships to the smdcnts of the Depressed ClaMcs", 

"0) That the mc«tine euthomcs the President to forward 
the above resoliUiona lo llic Viceroy and the Governinent of 

It IS obvious thai there is a close inter-connection between 

the resolution passed by the Depressed Classes at ihcir meeting in 

Bombay under the ChHirmanship of Sir Narayan Chandavarlcar 

and the Congress resolution of 1917 on the elevation of the 

Depressed Classes. This mter-conneclioa will be easily undei^ 

stood by adverting to ihe political evcoia of the year 19 17, It will 

be recalled that it was in I9C7 or to be precise, on the 20lh August 

I9I7thclarcMr. Montagu, the then Secretary of State for Indid, 

announced ep the House of Commons the new policy ofHis 

Majesty's Government towards India, namely, the policy of 

"gradual devdopmcol of self-governing institutions with a view to 

progressive realisation of responsible government in Tndia as an 

iniegral pariofthe British Empire". Leading Indian poll ticiani 

w^re expecting some such declaration of policy on liic part of Hia 

Majesty's Governmcni and were preparing scbepca for chaaget in 

the constiluiional structure of India io anticipation of such a 

policy. Of the many schemes that were formulated, there wen 

two around which public atlcntioa was centred. One was called 

nhe Scheme of (he Nineteen". The second was called ''the 

Congress- League Scheme". The first was put forth by 19 elected 

additional Members of the ihea Imperial Legislative Comictl. The 

•econd was an agreed scheme of political reforms supported by the 

Congress and the League otherwise known as The Lucknow Pact 

Both these schemes had come into existence io !9I6> a year before 

the announcement made by Mr. Montagu. 

Of the two schemes^ the Congress was interested in seeing 
thai Els own scheme waa accepted by His Majesty's Goveniineat, 


The Congt^ with that purpost in view was kun on giving the 
Congress League scbcmc ibe status and characier of a National 
D^aianii. This could bappcD oiii> if the scheme had xhc backing 
ofallcommunitiea ID India* la aaraucb ai tiK Muslim League 
bad acMpted iheschtmc, the problem of securing the bapking of 
th« Muslim CommuiiLt^ Hid not fldse. Next ia numbers came 
Uu Depressed Clares. Though no as ^vcll organized as the 
Muslim, Ihey were politically very conscious a5 Uicir Resolutions 
■how* NoE only were ihcy politrcally con^cio-us but ihey were &U 
along anti-Congress. Indeed in ibb*^ uhea Mr. Tilt^k's follo-v^rs 
threiktened to burn the Coogri^ss paoda.1 t£ its u^e wus aUnwcd to 
Soci&l ConrerODce for vetiiilaiJDg sociai wfongs the Lfutouchabes 
organized a demoa&traiion against the Congress and actually 
burned its effigy. This antipaiy to the Coogrcsi has continued 
ever since. The resolutions passed by both thcDicctingoflhc 
Pcpr^sscd Cifksses held in Bombay in lPi7 give ample testimony 
to the existcnoe of this anlipBlhy in the minds of the Depressed 
Classes towards the Congress. The Congress while anxioui to gel 
the suppon of the Depressed Classes to the Congress- League 
•cbcme of Reforms knew very well that it bad no chance of getting 
It- As the Congress did not then p/aciiae-lt had not learned it 
thcQ-theart of corrupting people fls it does now, it enlisted the 
lervices of the lale Sir Narayan Chaodavarkar, an Ex-Presidcnt of 
tbe CoDgresa, As the President of the Depressed Clnsses Mission 
Society he exercised considerable influence over the Depressed 
Classes, ft was as a result of his influence and out of respect for 
bim tbftt a Mciion of the Depressed Classes agreed to give support 
to the Congre^fc-Lesj^ue Scheme. 

The resolution as its text shows did not give unconditional 
fUpport lo the Congress-League scheme. U agreed to give sup- 
port on the condition that the Congress passed a resolution for the 
removal of the social disabilities of the Untouchables, The 
Congress resolution was a fiJBhtienl of its part of the contract 
with the Depressed Classes which was negoiinted through Sir 
HtrayaD Chanda^varkar. 

This CKpIains the genesis of the Congress Resolution of 
1917 on the Depressed Classes and its inter- connection witli the 


ResolutiO'iis of the Depre»ed Ciasses passed under the Cbairman- 

ship of Sir Narayan Chandavartoir. The esplanaiion proves that 
tbcre was an ulterior moijvc behind iht Coogtcss Resolution. Ttat 
moijvf was not a spiritual motive. U was a political motive. 

What happened to the Congress Resrtluiion ? The Depres- 
sed CtafiSM ID their Resolution had dialled upon the "higher castes, 
who claim political rights, to take steps for the purpose of rcmo- 
yittg the blot of degradation from the Depressed Classes, which 
has fiiflbjectcd these classes to the worst of ErcaTmcQl in their cwn 
coiinir>". What did the Congrws do to give effect to this demand 
of the Depressed Classes? In return for ihc support il got, Uw 
Congrcsa was bound to orgaaiK a drive against unlouchabUity 
to give effect to the scntimcots cuprcssed in its Rcsolutioa. The 
Congrcsa did nothing. The passing of the RuEolucion was a 
hwrtlCM tratiiSaction. It was a formal fulfilment of a condition 
which the Depressed Classes bad made for giving iheir sjppuit 10 
tJie Coogrcss-Lcaguc B,cheme, Congresamep did not appear to be 
charged with any qualms of conscience or with any sense of 
righteous indignation against men's mhuaiaQiiy to man which a 
whatumouchabiaiiy is. They forgot the Resoluiioa the very day 
on which it was passed. The Resolution was a dead letter. 
Nothing came out of it. 

Thus ended the firsi chapter in the history of what the 
Cbogress has done to the Untouchables". 




At lhi» juMttire 'of our history, when everywhere \a Indiiw 
the Untouchables were up in arms against unlouchability and the 
onjusl soci^ ord^r^ the Congress was forced to pass a resolution 
in 1917, fevourable 1o the untouchableB. With (be increasiog 
awareness of the untouchables, the desire t^> rebel against agcn^ld 
alavcry was becoming apparenL Everywhere In India, ikey were 
becoming moic and more assertive. With the passage of time the 
aniagonism between lie Depregsed ClasMS aod the High Caalft 
Hincfu^ was rapidly increasios. 

During this very period, m 19L9 Mr. Gandhi entered the 
Indiitn politics and almost jromcdiately captured Congress. With 
the passing away of Bal Gangadhar Tiki, ihe job of Mr. Gandhi 
bfcame very easy. Upiill now Ihe Congrcis was by by and large 
a Brahmm preserve. But with the emergence of Gandhrji, il be- 
came a huge Brahmin-Banta affair. With the Brahmin Brain and 
Bania Finance, it became a formfdabfe force. 

Looking at the rebelious mood and postures of the uq- 
touchablcs, he aiaried creniing illusions and rendering alt sorts of 
advice to them. Id his organ the Young India dated 20ih October, 
1920 he gave the following aJvicc to the untouchables whom be 

oanied as Lhe Pancbamas at ihat time :— 

"Then, there remains, finaHy, seff-help and self dependence. 
And herein comes the use of non-cooperation. Tbcrcfjrc, by way 
of protests against Hinduism, the Panchamas con slop all contact 
and connection with the other Hindus so long ss the special 
grievances are maintained, Bui this means organised intelligent 
elTorl. And so far as I can see. there is no leader among the 
Panchamas who can lead them to victory through non- 


Yea, Gaadhijt could doI set a leader of this IntcEligeace 
nod calibre amoD^sl the untouchables. Bui during that very 
period, AddresaiDg a conference of the imtouchables. Sbbtiu 
MahflrajofKolhapur introduced Dr. Ambcdkar m thcmaB tfaeir 
leader and saviour. Shahu Maharaj opined that Dr. Ajobedkar 
would lead them out of age-otd bondage, put ao cad to theif 
EulfcriDgs and build a mission and movemenl for them. Ht, 
therefore, advised the untouchables to give a helping hand to Dr. 
Ambedlcar while looking to him for help and guidann as their 
leader and saviour. 

Today inrclraspcct. wecan safely say that Gaodhiji was 
ignorant about the developing strength of the untovchablea, 
whereas Shahu Maharaj of Kohlapur, himself a flon-Brahmlo 
leader was not onty aware of it^ but was havsng the necessary 
vision to forecaat the coming events correctly. At any r^te, who* 
ther anybody could flee it or nol. Dr. Ambcdkar had already 
emerged as a leader of the untouchables and was very busy itt 
organising them for coming aclivities and actions. Likcmr. 
Gandhiji he had also started his own organ *'the Mook Mayak" tO' 
champion and captain tJio cause of the downtrodden and to spnT 
for the dumb. 

fn the year of 1925 he started the Depressed Gassa 
[fi^tilute. Through (his Ofganisation he !fluncbcd fflflny struggles* 
Through Th«e struggles; h« became the UTi-disputed leader of the 
untouchables and earned the right to represen t them in the Round 
Table Conferences of 1930, 31. IronieaJly Gandhiji was to t«t 
the mlclligcncc and calibre of the untouchable leadership during 
those Round Tabic Conferences and feel Tinre for himself that the 
necessary leadership has definitely emerged In the form and shape. 
of Dr. Anibedkar. - 

Rest of the story of tbe competence and calibre of the 
leadership and relevant to this book can be told by the 2 
Memorandums Dr. Ambcdkar submitted during those 2 Round 
Table Conferences. Those 2 Memorandums are reproduced 
below : — 


Text of the MemorandDrn 
(Date : I2th November. 1930) 

A Scheme of Polilicfll Safeguards for the Pro I eel ion oF tho 
Depressed Classes m the Fuiure Consiituiion of a wlf-goveroing 
lodio, gu]jmiUed tg Uic Indian Round Table Conference. 

The following are the terms and conditions on which tlie 
Depressed Classes will conseni lo pla« ihtmselvca under a majo- 
rity rule in a self-governing lodia- 

Condition Wo - 1 

The Depressed Clashes cannot conseni to subject themselves 
lomajority rule in their present state of 'hereditary bondsmen. 
BafortJ majority rule jg csrablishcd their emancipation from tho 
iyslcinof untouchability must be an accomplished fad. It must 
not be left to the will of the majority. The Depressed aassei 
must be made free citizens entitled l^> all the right of citizenslup 
in common with other citizens of the State. , 

(A) To secure the abolition of iintouchabifiiy and t(> 
create the equality of dlj^enship, it is proposed thai the following 
FuDdamental ri^ht shall be made pan of the coastitution of ludii. 


■'All subjcgtaofthc State iQ India arc equal 
U.S.A. Consttiu- before the law and ponsK^ equal civic righlB. 
tit>n Amerrdmcnt Any existing caacinicnl, regulation, order, 
Xiy and Govern- coslom, interpretation of law by which any 
men f of Ireland penalty, difiad van Uge, disability is imposed 

dct 1920, 10 Aff upoooranydiscrirainaiioD is mqde asainsl 
Oeo^ K- Ch. 67 any subject of the State on account of- 

^c.5i2) untouchabiliiy shall, as from the day on 

which this Constitution comes into opera- 
(ioQ, ccas-e to have any effect in India.*' 


This is so fn alt 
See Prof. Keith's 
remarks in Cmd. 
207, P. 56. 

CB) fb abolish the imrourtlties and c«mp- 
tioaanow enjoyed by txecutive offijcrs by 
virtue of Sections llOBtid HI oflhc Covcni-i 
ffltfnt of India Aci 1919 and their liability for 
executive action be made coextensive with 
what j3 in the case of a European British 

Condtrion No. H 


It ia no UM for the Depressed Ctasw* lo Have a declarntioti 
eaual rights. There c^n be no doubt thai the Depressed CJa^SM 
STl have to face the whole force of orthodox Society if they try to 
exercise the cq^ia! rights of citizenship. The Depressed Cla^ 
therefore feel that if these dedmlions of ri&hts are not to be 
^c^ pious pronouncements, bt^t are to be realiMes creveryday 
life \htr^ they should be protected by adequate pairs and penalliea 
from iticerftrencc in Iht enjoytncnt of these declared rights. 

(A) The Depressed Classes therefore propose that the 
following section should be added to part XI of the Government 
of India Act 1919, dealbg with Offences, Procedure and FenaltieM 

(i> Offence of infringement of Citizenship. 

"Whoever denies to any person except for 
a 5 statutes At reasons by Eaw applicable to persons of all 
l^rge. CtvH classes and regardless of any previous condn 

Rights Proltciion tion of untouchabiliiy the full enjoymeal of 

any of the acconunodaliorts, advantages, faci- 
lities, privileges of inns, educational inMitif 
tions. reads, path*, streets, tanks wcUs and 
other watering places, public conveyances on 
land air or water, theatres or other places of 
ifE^r^^^ uj... public amusement, resort or convenience 

thtir tmanc\pQt\<fn. whether they are dedicated to or maintained 

or licenced for the use of tbe public shall be 
pudahcd or with imprisonment of cither des- 
cription for a rcrm which may extend to five 
yean and shall also be liable to fine." 

Acts of April 9^ 

1866, and of 
March, J, 1S75' 
Passed in thi 
titterest of the 
Negroes after 


(B) Obstruction by orthodox individuals is doI the only men 
ace to the Depressed Class« in the way of peaceful eojoymc^t 
Pf their rights- The commoueKt form of obslruct'on ia Ihc fiocial 
boycott. It Is Che most formidable weapon In ihfl hands of thfl 
orthodox cbwes with which ihej bcatdown anyatteajpt oa tlie 
part of the Depressed Classes to under lake any activity if it 
happens to be unpalatable to ihero. The way ft works and the 
occasions on which ii is brought iato operation are well described 
in the Report of the Committee appointed by the Goverumcnt O^f 
Bombay in 1928 '*to caquire inio the educaiional. ccoQOmle and 
social condition of the Depressed Classes (untouchables) and of 
the Aborigina! Tribes in the presidency and to recommend lueaso- 
,res for their uplift," 

The following is an extract from the same :- 
Depressed Clares and Social Boycott 

"102. Although we have recommended various remedies 
to secure to the Depressed Classes their rights to all public ud- 
litieswe fear that there wi|[ be difficulties in the way of their 
ewrcismg ihcmfor a long time to come. The first difficulty is 
thefearofopeii violence against (hem hy the orthodojt c lass es- 
Jt must be noted that the Depressed Qas«s form a small mino- 
mym every village, opposed lo which is a great roajortty of the 
i>rthodo;Ewhoare bent on protecting their interests and drgniiy 
from any supposed invasion by the DcpreHsed Classes at any cost. 
The danger of prosec-ution by the police has put a limitaUon upon 
the use of violence by Lbe orthodox dasses and conse<|uently such 
cases are rare. 

''The second difficufty arises from the economic position in 
fthich the Depressed Classes arc found today. The Depressed 
Classes have no economic indepeodence in most parts of the 
Presidency. Some cultivate the landi of the orthodox cIasscs a» 
Iheirtenant^at win. Others live on their enrningB as farm labo- 
urers employed by the orthodox classes and the rest subsist on 
the food or grain given to them as village servants. We have 
beard of numerous instaoccs wh«« the orthodox cUsseahavo 
V5cd their economic power as a weapon against those Depressed 
Claeses Id their villages, when the latter have dared to exerdse 

their right5» and have evicted (hem from their Innd. and slopped 
t|ictrcinp[pyinent and djscontenued their rerauneration as village 
Ecrvants. This boycott is often plaDQCd on ^uch an enicosivc 
■Glleaaio include Ihc prevention oflhc Depressed Clas^ fr^m 
luing the commooly used paths and tbe Mopp-age of^jaicofcbc 
necessaries of life by the village Bania. According lo the evidence 
sometimes small causes suffice for the prodaicatlDn of a social 
boycott against the Depressed Cliiseca, Frcquenlly it follows on 

the exercise by the Depressed Classes of their right lo ihc use of 
the commca-well, but ca^es liavc been by no means rare where a 
filringeot boycott has been pTOclaimed simply because a EJcprcs- 
BCd Class mdfl has put on the sacred thread., has bought a piece 
of land, has put on g.ood clothes or omamentSi or has carrieJ a 
loaiTiage precession with the bridegrocm on the hoTse through 
Ihe public street 

"We do not know of any weapon mote efTective than this 
sion boycott which could have been inveoted for the suppres- 
SGcialof Ibe Depressed Classes. The method of open vtoleoce 
pales away before il. for it has (he most far reaching and deadc 
DiDg effects. It U the the more dangerous because Is passes as a law' 
ful method consistent with Ihe theory of freedoro ofcoatract- 
Wc agree that (his tyranny of the majority must be put down 
with a firm band, if we are lo guarantee the Depressed Ciasses 
the freedom of speech an-d action necessary for their uplift." 

In tbe opinion of the Depressed Classes the only way tc( 
overcome this land of menace to their rights and liberties is tcr 
make aocaal boycott an offence punishable by law. They are 
therefore bound to insist that the following aections should be 
added to those included in part XI, of the Government of India 
Act 1919, dealing with oHences, procedure and penalties. 


(i) A person shall he deemed lo boycott another who :- 
Thts and the (a) refuses to let or use ot occupy any house 

following legal or land, or lo deal with, work for hire, or 

ptoyi3ior\s au do business with another person* or to reo-" 

bodily loken from der to him or receive from him any service, 
Burma Anti' Boy- or refuses to do any of the said things on Chtf 
coU Act, 1922 terms oq which such things should commonly 


with a few dwngfis be doae ia tflf pf^ioary course ofbusine^, 
to suit the neces- or 
sites of the <-flw, 

(b> abstains from such social, pfoftssionaJ or business te- 
tioDS as he would, having regard to such existing customs id Ibe 
cDTEimuniiy which a.rc not iGcousistcnt with any fundameDtal 
right or other rights of Citizenship dccJared in the CoastJiution 
ordinarily raainlaio with such perEon, or 

(c) in any way injures, annoys or inlerferea with such 
ether person in the exercise of his lawful rights. 


Whoever, in Gonsequeoce of any persoa having done any 

act which he was legally entitled to do or of bis having omitted to 
do any act which he was legally cnliilcd to omit to do, or with 
InteoL Lo cause aay person t9 do any act which be is net Legally 
bound to do or to omit to do any act which he is legally entitled 
to do> or with intent Co cause harm to such person in body^ mind, 
repiitaliOD or property^ or in his business or means of living, 
boycotts such person or any pers-on in whom such person ii 
interc![icd> shall be punis-hed with imprisonment of either descnp- 
Eion which may extend to seven years or with fine or "with both. 

Provided that no offence shall be deemed to have been 
committed under this section, if the Court is satisfied that the 
accused person has not acted at the instigation of or in collusion 
with any other person or in pursuance of any conspiracy or of 
any agrbemeoi or combination to boycott. 



(a) publtcly makes or publishes or circulates a proposal 
for, or 

(b) QtaltcSj publishes or circulates any statement, rumour 
or report with intent to, or which he has reason Go believe to he 
Hcely tOt cause or 



(c) many other 'Wiis ifiStigates or prorooies Ihc boycolt- 
higof aoy pcr*OA or clas-s of person*, shall he punished with 
Imprisonmcnl which may eiteaU lo fiv€ years, or with fine or 
with both. 

Explanalion-An offence under this section shall be deemed 
t& have been commiited although Ihc person affected or likely t4> 
be affected by any aclion of the najure reftrred to herein is not 
designated by name or clP?s but only by his acting or abMaining 
froEi acting in some specified manncfp 


Whoever, in consequence of any person having done any 
■ct which be was Legally entjtlend to do or or Ids having omitted to 
do any act which he was legally cniillcd to omit to do, or with 
intent to cause any person to do any act which he i4 not legally 
bound CO do, or to omit to do any act which he is legally enfiillfid 
lo do, threatens to cauw such person or any pcfson in whom such 
person h inicrested. to be boycotted Sihall be punished wiib impri* 
lODnaenl ofcithord-cscription for a lerna which may ciitend tofivfl 
ythts or with fine or with both. 

Exception-It la not boycott 

(i) 10 do aoy act in furtherance of a Isona fide labouc dl^ 

(ii) to do any act in the ordinary coune of busineu com- 
N.B.-dMl Ib^e offences ahall be deemed to be cognizable 

OsBdidoD No. Ill 


The Dei>f rfsed CTasiM entertain grave fears of discrimioalion 
either by legislation or by eneciitive order being made in the fuiure. 
Ttey cannot therefore consent to subject thcmstlvcs to majority 
rule unless it is rendered impossible in law for the legislature or 
the <KCCUlivc 10 raake any invidious discrimination against the 
pepres.scd Classes. i 


It Is therefore proposed ihat the following Statutory pro-- 
visidD bo [dadfi in the coDstituIioDii] law of India ;- 

"It shall not be compclcm for any Legislature or executive 
ID India to pass a taw or Issue ao order, rule or rejulaiion so as 
toviolaleihe rights of the Subjects of the Slate, regardless of 
any prcvioufi condition of untouch ability, in all territories subject 
to the jurisdiction of the dominion of [ndia^ 

t^l) to make and enforce cootractSi to sue, be part in, and 
^e evidence, to iobcrk. purchase, lease, sell, hold and convey 
real and personal property, 

(2) to be eligible for entry inio the civil and military 
employ and to aai educational lastJliLtioni except for euch coDdJ' 

tJODS and liini^ti<3ns as may be necessary to provide for the due 
and adc<)ualc rcprcscoEaiion of all -classes of subjects of the Statesr 

(3) to be entitled to the full and equal enjoymenl Of the 
acci>mmodatioD£, advantageBi facilities, educatioaal. institutions, 
privileges of iQoa, rivers, streams, wells, tanks, roads, palhs^ 
Btmis, public conveyances on land, air and water, Ihcatrcsi and 
other, places of public resort or amusement ei^cept for such coo* 
ditions an^ limitations applicable alike to all subjects of every 
F4cc,g1&£s, caste, cdIouti or creed* 

(4) to b« deemed fit for and capable of sharing without 

distinclion the beneSts of any religious or charitable trust dedi- 
cated to or created, maintaiacd or licensed for Ehe general publio 
or for pcrfions of \he Game faith and reUgioo, 

(5) to claim full and equal benefits of all laws and pro* 
ccedings for the security of person and property as is enjoyed by 
other subject regardlcM of any previous condition of untouchabi- 
Hty and be subject lo like punishmenCr pains and penaliies and to^ 
Qone other. 

Clopditioa No, TV 


The Depressed Classes must be given (ufficienl poiitical 
power lo Influence legislative and executive action for the purpose 


of securing iheir wellare. In view of ihis ihey djjmand that ihc 
following provi&JoQs shall be made in Lbc electoral law so as to 
BJve tiem. ^ 

(Ij Right to Adequate teprcsenlatioa in the LegiEUture^ 
of the Country, Fri^vindal uod Ceutral< 

(2) Right to elect their own men as Ihcir repres«nta lives, 
<a) by adult auffr^tge. and 

(b) by separate cJccioratea for the first ten years andF 
ihercaHer by joint electorates and reserved seats, 
it being understood that joint electorates shall 
not be forced upon the Depressed Classes against 
their will unless such Joint electorates are accom- 
panied by adult suSrage, 

N.B, Adequate Representation for the Depressed Classes 
cannot be defined in quaoiiiarive terms until (he extent of reprfr- 
seoiacion allowed lo other communities is known. But it iDUSt 
be understood that the Depressed Classes will not consent to th& 
representation of any otber community being settled on better 
terms than those allowed to ihcm. They will not agree to beinfr 
placed al a disadvantage in this matter. In any case the Depres- 
sed Classes of Bombay and Madras must have wcighiage over 
their population ratio of representation, irrespective of the extent 
of representaiion allowed to other minorities in the provinces. 

Condition No. V 


The Depressed Classes have suffered enormously at the 
handsofihehigh caste officers wbo have monopolized the Publio 
Services by abusing the Law or by misusing the discretion vested 
in them in adminisiering it to the prejudice of the Depressed 
Onsses aud to the advantage of the Caste Hindus without any 
regard to justicct equity or good conscience. This mischief 
can only be avoided by destroyjnfi the monopoly of caste Hindu* 
in the Public Services and b> rcguiating the requiremen t to ihem 
in such a manner thai all cooimunitJes including the Depressed 
will have an adequate share in them. For tuis purpose the 


Depressed CIMSM have to mi« the foUowmgproposaUfprsmtu- ^ 

tory enactment as part of the coDStiluUonsl Uw :- 

(1) There shall be esiabUshed in India and ifl each pro- 
vince in India a Public Service Commission to undertake the 
recruitment and control of the Public Services. 

(2) No member of the PubLc Servic* Commission shall be 

removed ««pt by a «.olution P-"'/>"f ^^'^^'^'^'V'^^ 
shall hebcappmn«d to any office under ihe Crown ^er bs 


(3) It shall be the duty oflhe Public Service CommiMion 

wbject to the te«s of efficiency as may be prescribed ; 

(a) to recruit the Services in such a manner as will sc«iW 
due and adequate representation of all communities, 

(b) to regulaie from time to time priority in employment 
in accordance with the existirg exieai of the repre- 
sentation Of the vatiows communiiies in any paiueuLar 
service concemcd, 


I„ view of the fact that the Majority Rule of the future wiU 
be the rule of the orthodox, the Depresserf Classes fear that such 
a MRJoriRT Rule will not be sympaibeiic to them and thai ihe 
probability of prejadiiK to their interests and neglect of their vital 
needs canao. be overlooked, ll n,Mst be provided against, parti- 
cularly, because, however, adequately representated the Depressed 
Clares will be it. a minority in all legislatures. The Depressed 
Classes tbinfc it very nc«s.ary that they shoutd have the meana 
of redress givet, to thorn in the wnstitutloa. W b thwefore pro- 
powi that the following provisiPn should be made in the consti- 
tution of India:- 


"Ta and fof CACb province and lo and for India it shall be 
the daey and obligation of the Legislstufe 
British and the Executive or any other Authority 

North America established by law to malce adequate provision 
Act, J867, for the educatioa, sanitatioD, recruitmeae ia 

Sec. 93 Public Services and other matters of social 

and political advancenicnt of the Depressed 
Classes and to do nothing that will prejudt- 
cially alf^ctthcm. 

"(25 Where in aoy Proviac* or in India Ihe provisions 
of this Bcclion are violated an app«aUhall lie to the Governor- 
General ia Council from Any acI ordecisioa ofany Provincial 
Authority and to Ihe Secretary of Slate from any act on decision 
of a General Authority affecting the matter 

'^(3) In every such case where it appean lo the Governor- 
General in Council or to the Secretary of State that the Provincial 
Authority or Central Authority does not lake steps requisite for 
the due execution of the provisions of this Section then aod in 
every such case, and as for only as the circumstaoces of each ca^ 
require the Goveroor-Gcneral in couacil or the Secretary of Stase 
acting as an appeltate authority may prescribe, for such period 
as they may deem fit, t^ke rcmedia.1 measures for the due execu^ 
tionofihe provisions of this: S^tion and ofany of its decisions 
under this Section a.nd which fibal] be binding upon the authority 
appealed against. '* 

Condtrion No. Vn 


The helpless, hapless and sapless condition of Ihe Deprcss«l 
CJasses must be entirely attributed to the dogged and deicrmincd 
opposition of the whole mass of the orthodo:^ population which 
will not allow the Depressed Classes to have equality of status or 
equality of treatment. It is not enough to say of their economic 
condition that they are poverty-stricken or that they are a class ■ 
of landless labourers, although both the^e statements arc state- 
ments of fac[, ft has to be noted that the poverty of the Depres- 


B^ed Classes is due largely lo the social prejudices in consequence 
of which many an occupation for earnine a living is closed la \ 
theni. This is a faci which differentiaics the posiliofl of ll« 
Depressed Classes from thai of ihc ordinary caste labourer and 
is often a source or trouble between the two, U hasalsoiube 
borne in mind that ihe forms of lyranny and opprcBsioa piacliscd 
aigainat the Depressed Classes are very various and the capacity 
of the Depressed Classes to protect themselves is exircrocly 
Umiiled, The facts, which obtain in this connection and which arc 
of common occurrence thtohghoui India, are well described in the 
Abstracts of Proceedings of the Board of Revenue of the Govern- 
ment of Madras datcdSth Nov., l892No. 723, from which the 
following is an extract ;■ 

"134. There arc forms of oppression only hitherto hinted 
at which must be ai least cursorily mentioned. To punish diso- 
bedience of Pariahs, their masters- 

(a) Brine false cases in the vUlage court or in the criminal 

(bj Obtain, on application, from Govcmmcnl waste lands 
lying all round the parachcri so as io impound its 
Pariahs* caiik or obstruct the way lo their temple. 

(c) Have mirasi nacnes fmudulenily entered in the 
Government account against ihc parachen. 

(d) PuU down the huts and destroy the growth in the 


(c) Deny occupancy' righl in irnmemorial sub-tenancies. 
(fj Forcibly cul the Pariahs' crops, and on being resisted, 

charge ihcm with iheft and rioting. 

(g) Under raisrepreseatfltions, get them to execute docu- 
ments by wbich they are afterwards ruined. 

(UJ Cut off the flow of water from their fields. 

(i> Without legal notice, have the properly of sub-tcoantj 
attached for the lanJ-lords' arrears of revenue. 

"135- It will be sard there are civil and criminal courts 
for the redress ofany^f these injuries. There are the courts in- 
deed; bui India does not breed village Hampdens. One must have 
courage lo go to the courts; money to employ legal knowledge, 


and meet legal expenses; and means to- live during thv case and 
the appeah. Further, most cases depend upon ihe decision of the 
first -court; and these courts are presided over by officials «ho 
are soraciimes corrupt and who gcDcrally, for other reasons, 
sympathize with the weallhy and landed classes to which they 

"136. The influence oftbesc classes with the official world 
can hardly be exaggerated. It is extreme with natives nnd greal 
even with Europeans. Every office, from the highest to the lowest, 
is stocked witb their representatives, and there is no proposaJ 
affecting their interests but they can bring a score of influence to 
bear upon it in its course from inception to execution." 

There can be no doubt thai in vicv of these circumstances 
the uplift of the Depressed Class-es will remain a pious hope unless 
the task is placed in the forefront of aJI governmental activitie* 
and unless equalization of opportunities is realized in practice by 
a defininc policy and determined effort on the part of Government. 
To secure this end the proposal of the Depressed Classes is tlttl 
the Constitutional Law should impose upon the Covemmcnt of 
India a statutory obligacioo to maintain at all times a department 
to deal with their problems by the addition of a section in the 
Government of India Act to the following effect : — 

"I. Simultaneously with the introduction of this Constitu- 
tion and as part thereof^ there shall be created in the Oovcmm-ent 
of India a Department to be in charge of a Minister foe the pur- 
pose of watching the intpcrests of the Depressed CIa^bs and 
promoting their welfare. 

"2. The Minister shall bold offlcc "SO long as be retains the 
confidence of the Ceniral Legislature* 

"5. Tt sbal! be (bt duty of the Minister in the eitercise of 
any powers and durics conferred upon him or transferred to him 
by law. to take all such steps as may be desirable to secure the 
preparation, elTective carrying out and co-ordination of measures 
preventative of aciB of social injustice, tyranny or oppression 
against the Depressed Classes and conducive to their welfare 
tbrc>ugbout India, 


**4. It shall be lawful for ihc Governor-General— ^ 

(a) to transrcf to the Minister aJ[ or any powers or duiics 
in resiKCt of the welfare of Ihe Depresscci Onsscs 
BrisiDg from any enacCrncnt relatios to education, 
sanitation, etc. 

(b) to appoini Depressed Classes welfare bureaus (D each 
province eo work under Ihc authority of and id co- 
operation, with the Minister/^ 

Condirion No. YHI 


Just as j[ (s necessary thai the Depressed Classes should 
have the power to influence govermncDial action by scats in tb^s 
Lefj&lature so also it is desirable thai the Depressed Classes should 
have the opportunity to frame the general policy of the Govern- 
ment. This they can do only if they can find a scat in the Cabinet- 
The Depressed Classes therefore claim that in common with other 
minoriiies, their moral rights to be represented in the Cabinet 
Ahould be recogaized. With this purpose in view the Depressed 
Qasscs propose : 

that Id the Instrument of Instructions an obligation shall be 
placed upon the Governor and the Governor-General to 
endeavour Lo secure the rcprefientation of the Depressed 
Classes in tiis Cabiael. 

Text of the SappleiDeDtary MemorflndDm 

(Dated: November 4, 193 1 j 


(Supplementary Memorandum on the claims of the Depres- 
sed Classes for Special Representation, submitted to the RT.C. by 
Dr. Bhimrao R. Ambedkar and Rao Bahadur R. Srinivasan). 

In the memorandum that was submitted by us last year 
dealing with the question of poEiticaJ safeguards for the protection 
of the Depressed Classes in the constitution for a self-governing 


India, and which forms Appendix lit fo ihe printed volume of 
Proceedings of the Minorities Sub-Co oiifliiiec, we had demanded 
thai special reprcBcnlation of the Depressed Classes must form one 
of such safeguflT<35. But we ditt nol then define chc details of ihe 
special reprcsentaciofi we claimed as being necessary Tor Ib^m^ 
The reawn was that ^hc proceeding of the Minorities Sub- 
Ccmmittec came to &n end before the question was reached. We 
now propose lo make good the omission by this supplementary 
mcmoTandum 50 Ihatihc Minorities Sub-Committee, if it comes 
to consider the question Ibis year, should have the requiiite details 

before it. 


A, Special Represemation in Proviflcial LegislatwM. 

{i) In Bengal, Cetvlrol Provinces, Assam. Bihar and OrUsa. 
Punjab and the United Provinces the Depressed Classes 
shall have reprcaenlalion in proportion to their popu- 
lation as esiimoled by the Simon CommisBioD and the 
Indian Central Commiicee, 

(ii) In Madrai, the Depressed Classes fiball have IwcDty- 
iwo per cent represcnution. 

Oil) In Bo-mbay 

(a) In the event of Sind conlinuine to be a pan of ibc 
Bombay Prcaidcncy, the Depressed Classes shall 
have siKtecD per cent represeoiation, 

(b) in the event of Sind beiag separated from the Bombay 
Presidency Ihe Depressed Clashes shall enjoy th e same 
degree of rcprcscnlalion as the Presidency Muslims, 
bCth being eqaal Jn population, 
B- Special Representation in the Federal Lcgistaliire. 

In Both Houses of the Federal Legislature, the Depressed 

Oasses shall have representation in proportion to their popula- 

tioD in India. 


We have fixed this proportion of representation ia the Lcgifi- 
Jatures on the follo*iog assumptionfi :- 


(I) Wc have assumed thai ihe figures Tor (he population of . 
the Deprc&sed Classes given by the Simon Commission (Vol. I» 
p. 40J and the Indian Centra] Comminec (Report p. 44) will be 
acceptable as sufficiently correct lo form a basis for distributing 


(2) We have assumed that tiie Federal Legiilaiure will com- 
prise the whole of India, in which case ihe population of the 
Depressed Classes in Indian Stales, in Centrally Administered 
Areas, and in Excluded Terniones. besides their population in ' 
Govemor^s provinces, will form very properly an additional item 
in calculating the extent of representation of the Depressed 
Classes in the Federal Legislature. 

(3) We have assumed that the adrainistrative areas of the 
provinces of British India will continue to be whai they are 

Buljflhe assumptions regarding figurw of population aro 
challenged, as some inlercsled panics threaten to do, and if under 
a new census the Depressed Classes show a lower proportion, or 
ifthe administrative areas of the provinces are altered, resulting 
in disturbing (he enisling balance of population, Ihe Depressed 
Clashes reserve their righi to revise their proportion of represen- 
tation and even to claim weightagc. Inlheaame way, if the All 
India Federation does not come into being* they will be wiJimfl to 
submit to readjustment in their proportion of representation cal- 
culated on that basifi in the Federal LegiBlature. 


1. The Depressed Classes shall have the right to elect 
their representatives to the Provincial and Central Legislature 
through separate electorates of their voters. 

For their representation in the Upper House of the Federal 
or Central Legislature, if it is decided to have indirect elcctiotl 
by members of tie Provincial Legislatures, the Dcpi^ested Classes 
will agree to abaodon their right to separate eleciorates ^^ ^^^ ^ 
their representation to the Upper House is concerned subject to 
this : that in any syitcm of proportional rcprcscotation arrange* 
mtnt shall be made to guarantee to Ihcm their <^uota of scats, 


2. Separate ciccioratcs for Ihe Depressed Classes shall not 
be liable 19 be replaced by a system of Joint decioratcs and reser- 
ved seals, except when the following con^iti ons are fulfilled:-* 

(a) A referendum of Ihftvciters held at the demand ofa 
majority of their representatives in the Legislatures 
concerned and resultaog in an aHsoluie majority oflhc 
members of the Depressed Class having the franchise. 

(b) No such feferendum shall be resorted lo until! after 
twenty years add untill universal adalt suffrage has 
been esLabltshed. 


The representation of the Depressed Claacs has been grossly 
abused in the past inamuch as persons other Iban the Depressed 
-Classes were notnlnaied lo represent (hcTn in ihc ProvindftJ 
Legislatures, and cases are not wanting in which persons not be- 
longing to the Depressed Classes got themselves nominated as 
representivcs of the Depressed Classes. This abuse was due to 
the fact that while the Governor was given the power to nominate 
persons to represent the Depressed Classes, he was not required 
to confine his norainatJon to persons belonging to the Depressed 
Classes, Since nonunation is to be substituted by cicctton under 
the new constitution, there wilJ be tio room for ifaia abuse. But 
in order to leave no loophole for defeating the purpos:e of their 
■special representation we claitn: 

(i) That (he Depressed Classes shall not only have the 
right to their own separate electoraies, but (hey shall 
also have the right lo be represented by their own 

(ii) That in each Province rbe Depressed Classes shall be 
strictly defined as meaftlftg persftns belonging to com- 
munities which are subjected lo the system of Untou* 

chabiliiy of the sort prcvaicDl therein and which are 
enumerated by nacac in a schedule prepared for 
ele-ctonvl puiposes, 



In dcaliog with this par! of the question we would liketfr 
pomt out that the existing nomenclature of Depressed Classes i* 
objected to by members of the Depressed Classes who hflvc given 
thought lo it and also by outsiders who take interest in iheni. It 
is degrading and coniempluous, and advantage maybe taken of 
tliLS occaaioa for drafting the new constitution lo alter for official 
purpose the enistiog nomcQciaturc. We think thai they should 
be called "Non-Ca«c Hindus," ^'Protestaot Hindus/" or "Non- 
Conformist Hindus," or some such designation, instead of "De- 
pressed Classes" : We have no authority to press for any parti- 
cular nomenclature. We can only suggest ihera, and we believe 
that if properly explained the Depressed CUsaci will not hesitate 
to accept the one most suitAble foi^ them. 

We have received a large number of telcfirams from th^ 
Depressed Classes all over India atipportiag the demands conEfti- 

!jH^ in this NJemorandum* 



GriDt of separate electorate 

Dr- AmbedkAT pleaded the case of the untouchaWes a* 
forcefully ihai the prablem of the untouchables loomed targe at 
the Round Table Coofcrences. He demaDded thai t&c untouch- 
ftbles be given the means to protect themselves by exccndiog ic 
them the priBCiple of Communal represcntaiion. He demanded 
IbesamenghtsaB were to be given lo other minorities. Hi; ar* 
gued l>a[ since power was being irHnsfencd into the hands pf the 
the High Caste Hindui, the uniouchablca raual have political safe- 
piards of the same sort as, if ngi better ihao, ihowconceded Kx 
the Mufilims and Qthcr mjnorities. His contention was supporlfld 
by aJli CKCcpt Gandhiji and Congreas. 

During the Round Tabic Conference debates, Gandhiji was- 
Vljiemently against iKCgniiion and fiafcguards for the untouchablcs- 
Hc wanted to keep thfim in the toodiiion of utter helplessness, 
without rights and withoat recognition. Finally, his objection 
came down only 10 the untouchables. iHStead of showing sym* 
pathy, Gandhiji used every mcajis in his power to defeat thcni. 
He made a pact with the Muslims with a view to isolate the im- 
touchablcs. But fortunately the Muslims did not oblige him. 

Afttr the 2nd Round Table Confcicnce in Eugland, Gandhi" 
jj thrciicncd to revive hie campaign of Civil disobedience- H^ 
v^as arrwtcd and lodged lo YcrvadaJaitr in jail, doi Swarajya 
but Ibe Untouchable problem pcrturb&d him mo^tn He feared 
tbat the British Prinoe Minister as a sole arbitrator might accept 
the demands of the untouchables made at the Round Table Con- 
ferences, Therefore, in anticipation, on Uth March, 1932, be 
addressed from jail a letter lo Sir Samuel Hoare, the then secre- 
tary of State for India, remindine him of his opposition to the 
cJaims of the untouchables. SfrSamucl Hoare replied on Aprit 


On the 17 August. 1932 the CommuDal Award was anno- 
unced. The Award conceded ihc demands or the unioucfaables. 
They were granted Separate Electoraee. Gandhiji objected to it 
and addressed a Letter to the Pnme Minister, threatening fast, if 
the safeguards for Ihe untouchables wore not withdrawn. The 
British Prime Minister gave most convincing reply. Ignoring the 
Prime Minister's reply Gandhiji announced 20th September, the 
date of hk fast tjll death. 

To illuslrale The entire episode, the gram of separate electo- 
rate through the Communal Award whicli led to Gandhiji's faat, 
the entire correspondence is niosC relevant. It is therefore given 
below : 

The following is the^tei of the Gandhiji's Idler from 
Yervadajail : 

Dear Sir Samuel, 

You will perhdpi recollect that at the end of my speech at 
the Round Table Conference when the Minorities claim was pre- 
flcnicd, 1 had said that I should resist with my life the grant of 
separate elecn>ra.tes to the Depressed Classes. This was not said 
in the heat of the laoracnt nor by way of rhetoric. It was meanl 
to be a i^eriotis statement In pursuance of that ^laiemeni, 1 bad 
hoped en my return to India to mobilize public oplaion against 
flcparale electorates, at any rate, for the Depressed Classes. But 
it was QOi to be. 

'•From the newspaper I am permitted to read, I obscp'e 
-that any moment His Majesty's Government may declare their 
decision. At first T had thought, if the dccisfon was fbund to 
create separate electorates for the Depressed Classes. 1 Shf>«ld take 
such steps as I might then consider necessary to give effect to my 
vow. Bui I feel it would be unfair to the British Government for 
me to act without giving previous notice. Naturally, they could 
not attach the sigiaiflcaTice 1 give to my statement. 

"I need hardly reiterate all the objections I have to the 
creation of separate electorates for the Depressed Classes- I fed 
as if I was one of them. Their c^se stands on a wholiy different 


fooling from that of others. 1 sm noi ngarnst (heir tcprctmt^ 
aijon in the kpisJaturcs- I should Tavour everyone of their adults, 
maJe aod female, being registered aa voters irrespeciive of e^uca-' 
tioD or property qualiBcatioG, even though the franchise ies£ may 
i>0 atriccer for others- Bi^i I hold that separate electorate is barm- 
ful for Chem and for Hinduism, whatever ii may be from the 
purely pofciiical sittndpoint. To appreciate the harm that separate 
electorate would do Uietn, one has to know how they are distribu- 
Eed amongst ibe so-caJkd Caste Hindus and how dependent they 

are on the latter So far as Hi ndui 9 tu h co act rncd, separate 
elGcloratcs would simply vivisect and disrupt jl- 

"For me the ^uesliOfl of these classts is predominantly' 
moral anl religious. The political aspect, imporiaiii though it jv 
dwindles into tnsieoiiScance compared to the moral and religious 

'*You will bflve to appreciate my fctlingii in this matter by 
remembering that i bave beco intertsttd in the condition of these 
classes from my boyhood and hav^ mOwt than once staked my' 
all for their sake. I say this not to pride n^ysclf many way,- 
For, 1 feel that no penance that the Hindus may do, can in any^ 
way compensate for the calciihted degradation to which th«/ 
have consigned the Depressed Classes for ceaturECfi. 

"'But 1 know that separate electorate is neither a penancff 
nor any remedy for the crushing degradation ihey have groaned 
under. I, ihertforc, respeclfuily inform His Majesty's Goveni- 
ment that in the event of their decision creating separate electorate 
for the Deprussed Classes, I must fast unto death. 

'*{ am painfully conscious of the fact thatsuch a step,- 
whilst I am a prisoner, must cause giave embarrassment to His 
Majeaty's GovernmcDt, and that it will bereBarded by many as 
highiy improper on the part of one holding my position lo intro- 
duce into the political &cld methods which they would describe at- 
hysterical if not mitch worse. All I cao urge in defence is th^ 
for rae the contemplated step Is not a mcrhod, it is part oFtny 
bciQg. It j& the call of conscience which I dare not disobey, even' 
though it may cost whatever reputation for canity 1 may possess. 
So far w 1 can sfrc now my discharge from ifflprisonmcm would 


not make the duly of fasting any Che less imperative. I am hop- 
ing, however. aU my fears are wholly unjustified and ttc Britiah v 
Govcrnmcnl bave no intention whaiever of creating separate elec- 
torate for the Depressed Classes." 

The following reply was sCDt to Mr Gandhi by the Secret 

tary of Stale :- 

India Office, Whit^ialt 

AprU 13. 1932- 

''Dear Mr> Gandhi, 

**I write this in answer to yonr lottef of 1 Ith March and I 
eay al oqcc 1 realize fully tbestrenglh of your feeling upon the 
question ofscpafHie electorates fof the Deprcised Classes, I can 
only say that we intend to give any decision ihaC may be oecessary 
solely and only upon the tncriU of thecaw. As you are aware, 
Lord Lothian's CommiHee lias QCi yet completed its lour and it 
must be some weeks before We can receive any conclusion ftl 
which it may have arfived. When we recievc thai report we shall 
have to give most earefdl consideraiion to ii5 rccommcndatiooB, 
and we shall not give a decision until wc have taken into account, 
m addition to the view enpreisd by the Commiltcc the view lha( 
you and those who think with you have so forcibly expressed. 
Ifcelsure ifyou were ia our position you would belakingexa* 
ctly the same actioi we intend to take. You would admit the 
Commlilee's report, you would then give it your fullest considcra- 
tion» and before amving at a final decision you would lake into 
account the view thai have been eiprcswd on both sidcaofthc 
controveny. More than this 1 cannot say. Udccd I do not 
in^gine you would eipeot me to say more,'' 

After givmg this waroiog, Mr, Gandhi slept over the 
maitcr thiaking that a tcpetilioa of his threat to fast unto d«ath 
was sumcicot to paralyse the British Gaveroment and prevent 
them from accepting the claim of the Untouchables for special 
representation. On the I7lh August, 1932. the decision oflkc 
Prime Minister on the communal question was announced- 

That part of the decision which relates to the Untoucha- 
bles is produced below :- 


"In tbc statcmcDL made by the Prime Miaiater od Ist 
December last Q^ behalf Of His Majesty's GovcmmcDt at tbc 
close of the second se$$ion of the Round Tabic Confercace which 
was (mmcdiately afterwards endorsed by both Houses of Parfla- 
mentf it was made plaJn tf the co[Dmun[tics m India were 
uaable to reach a sculcmeat acceptable to all parties oa the com- 
munal questions which the Coaferecce had failed to solve, Hifl 
Ma>esiy*s Govemtnent were determiaed iba( India's coasiitutioaaJ 
advance should not on that account be frustrated, and that th-cy 
would remove this obsiacle by devising and applying themselves 
a provisional scheme, 

Z On the I9th March Uzi His Majesty's Go vemme at, 
having been informed thai the continued failure of the commu* 
nilics to reach agreement was blocking tbc pro{(res« of the plans 
for the framing of a new Coastituiion stated that they were 
engaged upon careful re-ex a in in at ion of the difficulty and con- 
troversial qlleslio^ which ariscd. They are now satisfied tEiat 
^Choui a decision of at least some aspects of the problems cou- 
ncctcd with the position of minorities under the new Constitution 
DO further progress can be made with the framing of the cona- 

3. His Majesty's Government have ac4:ording[y decided 
that they will include provisions lo give effect to the scheme set 
ouF below in the proposals relating to the Indian Coastituiion 
to be laid in du« course before Parliament, The scope ofthift 
sf^hcmc i£ purposely confLned 10 the arrangement to be made Tor 
the representation of (he British Indian coramuniiies in the PrE>" 
vincial Legislature, consideration of representation inthelegjS' 
liiture at the Centre being deferred for the reason given in para- 
graph 20 below. The decision to limit the scope of the scheme 
implies no failure to realize that the framing of the Constitution 
will necessitate the decision of number of other problems of 
great importance to minorities, but has been tak:cD in the hope 
that ODCC a pronouncement has been made upon the basic qun- 
tion of method and proportions of representation the communitiev 
themselves may find possible to arrive aCiruMluJvive'iii on other 


eomintinal probleins which hBV>e not received ihecxainlnaijoiir 
they requare. 

4. His Majesty's Government wish it lo be most clearly 
undcrtlood thai they ihemsclves can be no parljes to any nego- 
tiations which may be initiated with a view lo the revision of their 
decision, and will noi be prepared to give consideration io any ^ 
representation aimed at securing the modification of it which is- 
Dot supported by al) the parlies affected. But they arc most 
desirous to close no door lo an agreed settlemeot should such 
happily be forlhcoming. If, therefore, before a new Govern- 
mcni of India Act was passed into law. ttiey are satisfied that ' 
communities who are coacerncd are rauiually agrec'd upon a prac- 
ticable altem alive scheme, either ift r«pecl of any one or mor& 
of the Governor's Provinces or in respect of the whole of the 
British India, they wilJ be prepared to recommend to Parlia- 
ment that alternative should be substituteil for the provision*^ 
now outlined, 

5, ». «■* 

f* *•* ••• ■** 

,8« «■■ «"• **' 

9, Members of the "depressed classes" qualified to vote 
will vote in ft general constituency- In view of the faci that for a 
considerable period these classes would be unlikely, by this means 
alone, to secure any adequate represent a lion in the Legislature, 
a number of special scats wiil be assigned to ihem as shown in 
the labie. These seats will be tilled by election from special con- 
titucncies in which only members of the "depressed classes 
clc<rtorally qualified will be entitled to vote. Any person voting 
in such a special constituency will, as stated above, be also entit- 
led in a general conslilucncy. It ^ is intended that these consti- 
tuencies should be formed in selected areas where the depressed 
classes are mosi numerous and that, eKcepi in Madras, they 
should not cover the whole area of the Province, 

In licngal ii seems possible that in some general constitu- 
encies a majority of the voters will be-long to the Depressed* 


f> I 

Ottaaes. Accordingly, pending further iDvestigatloi, no nixmbw 
bas been fixed for the members to be returned from the spMial 
Dcpr«s5d Classes constituencies in that Province. It is intflvled 
tosocwc that the Depressed Qasfics should obtain not Jess (ban 
lOsoau in the Bengal Legislature- 

The pttcise definition in each Province of diose who (if 
ciectojally qualified) wiU be cmiiied to vote io the speciaj Depres- 
sed ClaM CboslitucncieshasTiDi yet been finally dcterraincd. It 

will be based a^ a rule do the gcne/al principles advocated in the 
Franchise Committee's Report. Modificaiion ma>, however, be 
found necessary in some Province in Northern India where the 
application of the general criteria of untouchability might result 
in a definition uosuiiable in some respects lo the special coadi- 
tioDS of the Province. 

His Majesty's GovcmTOcnt do not consider that these 
special Depressed ClaafiSi constituencies will be required for more 
than limited time- They intend that the Consiitiuiion shall provide 
that ihcy shall come at an end after 20 years if they have nfti pre- 
viously been abolished under the general powers of electoral pro- 
sion as referred lo earlier. 

Mr. Gandhi found that this threat had failed to have any 
cITect. He did not care thai he was a iignaEoiy to the requisilfon 
asking the Prime Minister to arbitrate. He forgot that as a 
signatory to the requisition he was bound to accept the award. 
He started to undo wfaat the Prime Minister bad done. He fint 
tried 10 get the terms cftbe Communal Award revised. Accor- 
dingly be addressed the following letter to ibe Prime Minister :— 

"Ycrvada Ceniral Prison, 
August IB. 1932. 

Dear Friend, 

There can be no doubt that Sir Samuel Hoare b^ showed' 
you and the Cabtnet my letter to him of llth March o a the 
question of the Depressed Classes. That fetler should be treated 
as part of this letter and be read together with this. 

I have read the British Government's deci^ioEi on the repre- 
sentation -of initiorittes and have slept over it. In pursuance of my 


declaration at the raccifng of the Minorilics CommitiM ofihe 
Round Table Conference on 13(h November, 1931, ai St, Jam^s 
Palace, I have lo resist your decision with my life. The only way 
1 can do so b by declaring a perpetual fast unto death from food 
of any kind save water with or wiihoui salt and soda- This fast 
will cease if during its progress the British Government, of Jts 
own moiion or under pressure nf public opinion, revise their deci- 
sion and withdraw their scheme of coTnmuna!; eJccloratea for the 
Depressed Classes, whose representatives should be elected by 
Ibe genera.! electorate under the common franchise, oo matter how 
wide it is. 

The proposed fast will come into operation in the ordinary 
course from the noon of 20rh September next, unless the said 
decision is meaawhile revised in (he rnanner suggested above, 

T am asJcins (he authorities here lo cable the text of this 
letter to you so as to five you ampfe notice. But in any case, I 
am leaving sufficient time for this letter to reach you in time by 

the slowest route. 

T also ask that this letter to Sfr Samuel Hoare already 
reftrrcd to, be published at the earliest possible momem. On my 
part, 1 have scrupiilouily observed the rule of the jai] aJid have 
communicated ray desire or the cooients of the letters to no one, 
lave my two companions. Sardar Vallabhbhai Paid and Mr. 
Mahfldcv Dcasi. But I want, if you make it possible, public 
opinion to be affected by my letters. Hence my request for their 
carfy puMlcation. 

I regret the decision f have talcen. Titit aJ a man of religion 

tiiat I hold myself to be, 1 have no other coutse left open lo me. 
As I have said in my letter to Sir Samuel Hoflre. even if Hii 
Majesty's Government decided to rekase me in order to save 
themselves from embarras*iincn(. my fast will have to continue. 
For. I carinoi now hope to resist the decision by any other mcani; 
and F have no desire whatsoever to comtpass my releafie by any 
means Other than honOurCible- 

It mavbeihat my judgment i* warped and that lam wholly 
\n error in re^rardine senarate electorates for the Depressed 
C'fl'^cs as harmful to them or to Hinduism. If so> I am not 


lilcdy lo be ia the righi with reference to other parts of my phiJO' 
Bopby of fcife. In that case my death by faflting wiJJ be at once 
a penance for my mor and a lifliDg of weight from offlhcw 
numberless men and women who have chjidiice faith jTi yny 
wisdoin. Whereas if my judgment is right, as I have little doubt 
itis. tbecoQiemplaicd step is but due id the fulfilment of the 
«heme of life which I have tried for more than a ^juarler of ■ 
ctiJtury, apparently not without considerable success, 

r remain, 
Your faithful friend, 
M.K, Gandhi 
The Prime Minister replied as under ;— 

"80 Downing Street, 
Scplcmber^, JSJZ 
Dear Mr, Gandhi, 

I have received your letter w^i much surprise and Jet me 
add. With very sincere regret. However, 1 cnonot help thiafciag 
ihat you have written it under a misundersraiiding as to what the 
decision of Hii Majesty's Government as regards Cbe Depressed 
Classes really Implies. Wc have always understood you were 
irrrvocably opposed the permanent segresation of the Depressed 
Classes from the Hindu community, Vou made your position 
very ctear on ihc Minorities Committee of the Round Table 
CoDferenceand you expressed it asaiD in thclcitcr you wrote to 
StrSamueSHoarconllihMarch. Wc also knew your view was 
shared by the great body of Hindu opinion, and wc. Ihcrcrorc, 
took K mto most careful account when we were considcriofi Ihc 
question ofreprescntation of the Depressed Classes. 

Whilst, in view of the numerous Appeals wc have receaved 
from Depressed Clas. Organisations and the generally admitted 
social disabilities tioder whrch th^y labour and which you havfl 
Often recognized, wc fdt it our duty to safeguard what wc believe 
to be the rishi of the D^^pce^ed Clashes lo a fair proportion of 
repnrseotation m the legislatures, we were equally careful to do 
nothing that would split off their community from the Hindu 
world. You yourself stated in your letter of March 1 1, that you 
were not against their representation in the legislaturesr 


Under the Govcmmcm scheme ihe Depressed Classes will 
remain pan of ihc Hindu commuaiiy an^ wdi volc wiih iJie Hiodu 
electorate on an equal footing but for tlic &ni t'wniy years, -while 
ttiU rcmaioiog cleaoraily part of the Hindu communiiy they will 
receive ihrough a limited number of special consiiiucncies, jncatis 
of safeguarding their rights aod ifiiercsis that, wc are convioccd ia 
Dcccssaiy undter presem condiEiODS. 

Where these coQSiiincncics are created, members of the 
Depressed Classca will not be deprived of their voles in the general 
Hindu coDitilucneies, but will have two voles in order that their 
membership of the Hindu community should reiDain ummpatrcd. 

We have deliberately decided against the creation of what 
yon describe as a communal eEectorata for the Depressed Classes 
and included all Depressed Class voters ia the general or Hindu 
consiitueneies so ihai the higher caste candidates should have to 
solid! ihctr votes or Depressed Class candidates should have to 
solicit the votes of the higher castes at elections. Thus> ia every 
way WiLB the unity of Hindu society preserved. 

We fcU» however, thai during the early period of responsi- 
ble Covcmmcnt, when power m the provinces would pass to 
whoever possessed a majority in Ihe legislatures, it was essenijal 
tbat the Depressed ClaMes whom you have yourself described ia 
your letter lo Sir Samuel Hoare as having been consigned by Caste 
Hindus to calculated degradation for centuries, should return a 
certain number of members of their own choosing to legislatures 
ofscvcnoriheniaeprovinccsto voicclhcir grievaaces and their 
ideals find prevent decisions going againsithem without the Icgi- 
Silature and the Governmeni listening to their case in a word, to 
place ihem in a position to speak for themselves, which fair min- 
ded person must agree to be necessary. We did not consider the 
method of electing special representatives by reservation of seats 
In the existing conditions, under any system of franchise which is 
practicable, members who could genuinely represent thetn a:nd be 
responsible for ihem. because in practically all cases, such mem- 
bers would bo ckcteed by a majority consisting of higher Ca*;te 


\ The special advantage iniiiaJSygivcQ under our scheme to 

tbc Depressed Classes by means ofa limited number of sptcial 
constiiuencics, in addilion to tbe)rnor[naleLc<^tora.l rights in the 
gcDcral Hindu coji5lilueocies, is whoJIy different in concepliDn and 
cSeci from the method of representation axloptcd for a minority 
such as the Muslims by means of separate communal eleclordlea. 
For example, a Muslim cannot vote or be a candidate in a gene- 
ral conUitucncy, whereas any elcctorally qualiBed member of th« 
OepressedClasscflcaa vole inand Majid foj ibe general consti< 

The number of territorial seals allotted to Muslims U 
nirturaTly condili-oncd by the faa that it is imposaibie for them to 
gain any further territorial seats and in most ptovinccs they enjoy 
weighragc in excess of their population ratio ; the number of 
spcciaJ 5cats to be filled from special Depressed Classes conaitu- 
eacies will he seen to be small a.Qd has been 6xed not to provide a 
quota, numerically appropriate for the lot&l representation of the 
whole of the Depressed Class population, but solely to secure a 
minimuin number of spokesmen for the Depressed Qasses in the 
legislatures wbo are chosen exclusively by the Depressed Classes. 
The proportion of their special seals rs everywhere much below the 
population percentage of the Depressed Cla&ses. 

As r understand your atlitud«» you propose to adopt the 
extreme course of Carving yourself Co death not in order to secure 
that tlie Depressed Classes should have joint electorate with other 
Hindus, because ihai is already provided, nor to maintain the 
unity of Hindus, which also provided, but solely to prevent the 
Depressed Classes, who admittedly suffer from terrible disabilities 
from being able to iwiure a limited number of represcntatLves of 
their own choosing to speak on their behalf in the legislatures 
which will have a dominating inSuence over their ftiture. 

To the tight of these very fair and catitJoaS proposals, T am 
quite unabk to understand the reason of the decision you have 
talcen andctin only thtnV you have made it under a misapprcben- 
r eioD of the actual facts. 


fn response t<» a very general requcal from lodians aficr 
they had failed to produce a aettlement tbems^lves the Govern- 

mcni much agaiajt its willj undertook to give a dccisit?" on ihc 
minorities question. Tlicy have now giveq It, and they cannot be 
CKpecled to alter except on the condition they have stated. I am 
ftfratd, ehererort. Ihat my answer to you must be that the Govern* 
menfs decision stands and tbatonty agreement of the comiDunLti&s 
themselves can substitute other electoral arrangements Tor tho» 
that Government bave devised in a sincere endeavour to weigh Ihfl 
conflicting claims on tfaetr just merits. 

Yow ask that this correspondence, including your letter to 
Sir Samuel Hoare of March Uth, should be published. As it 
would seem to me unfair if your present iDlerntncat were to 
deprive you of the oppiirtiuiity of espUining to the public and 
reason why yon intend to fast, I readily accede to the request, if 
on reconsideration you rc{>eat it. Let rae, however, once agaia 
urge you to consider the actual details of GovernmenVs decision 
and ask yourself seriously the question whether it really justifies 
you in taking tbe action you coDtempEaie* 

1 an3, 

Yoi*rs very smcercly; 
J. Ramsay Mac Donald.*' 

Finding that the Prime Minister would not yield he sent 
him the following letter ioforming him that he was determined to 
cvry out his threat of fast unto death :— 

'*Ycrvada Central Prison 
September 9th, 1932. 

Dear Fricod, 

I have to thank you for your frank and full letter telt- 
grtl^hcd and received this day. I am sorry, however^ that you 
put upoji the contemplated step an it^tcrpf station that n>evar 
crossed my mind. I have claimed to speaJc onb«half of the very 
ctass, to sacri&ce whose interests you impute to me a desire to fast 
myself to death. I had hoped that the est rcmc step itself would 
offcctjvcly prevent any such sclflsb interpretation. Without argu- 
in^ 1 itS^m that for me this matter h one of pure rclieioa> Th« 



mere fact of Ihe Depressed Classes havtng double voies docs oot 
pfotecl ihcmorHiodii society^ in genCi^B From beiag disrupted- 
In tie ^tablEShmcDt of ftcpai-ate electorate at all for the Deprcgsed 
Classes I seflse the injection of poison that is calculated to destroy 
Hinduism and do no good whatever to the Dcprcsccd Classes* 
You wilt please permit me lo say that no matter how sympathelio 
you may be» you cannot come to a correct decision on a matter of 
luch viul and religioua importaDCc to ibc parties concerned. 

T should not be against even over-representation of De- 
prcBsed Classes, What 1 am against is their statutory scpBratioD 
even In a limited forai ffom the Hindu fold, so loog as Ihcy choose 
to belonfi to ii. Do you realise that if youf decfc^iion stands and lh« 
conrtitulion comes into beings you arrest the marvellous growth 
of (he uoik of Hindu reformers, who have dedicated themselves 
to the uplift of their suppressed brethren in every walk of life ? 

1 have, therefore, beer* compelled reluctantly to adbere lo 
the decbion conveyed to you. 

As yoiar letter may give rise lo a mlsunderslandrng, I wish 
(o ilale that the fact of my having isolated for special treaimeat 
the Depressed Classes question from other parts of your decision 
does not in any way mean that I approve of or am reconciled lo 
other T>orts of the decision. In my opinion, many other parts arc 
open to very grave objection* Only, I do not consider Ihem to ho 
■oy warrant for calling upoo me such self-immolatioo as my con- 
Bcieoce has prompted me to bd the matter of the Depressed 

I remain. 
Your faithfut friend, 
M. K. Gandhi.'^ 

Accordingly, on the 20th Seplemher, 193?, Mr. Candhi 
Coipmenced his "fast unio death" as a protest against the grant of 
separate electorates to the Untouchables. 




During \ht Round Table Conrcrcjice in England, Gandhfji 
pretended to be the sole rcprcscDtativc of ibc Untouchables. As 
their sole representative, he claimed that they do not deserve to 
be recognised by the Conference. The Round Table Conrerenco 
should ignore them and Jive ihcm to tbe tender mercies of the 
High Caste Hindus and their Congress, But Babasabcb Dr» 
Ambcdkar siiccessfuTfy disputed the c^aim of Gqndbiji and secured 
Separate Electorate for them. Sensing the strength of Dr. 
Am bedkar's arguments at the Round Table Conference, Gandhiji 

got confused &nd baffled. When ar^ments failed, Gandhiji re* 
sorted to pressure tactics. Even during the Hound Table Con* 
Terence itseif Gandhiji threatened to go on fast, if the demands of 
the Depresied Classes were conceded. 

When the demands of the depressed classes were conecdfrd 
through tbe Communal Award given by the British Prime Mini- 
ster, Gandhiji wrote to the Prime Minister, The Prime Minister 
replied- But the most convincing and rojsonable reply of the Prime 
Miaister was ignored by GoDdhiJi flnd his Congreas, After reject' 
tug the reply, Gandhiji anno-uQced the dale of the fast, 

BMfdestbe British and Gandhiji and his Congress, Dr. 
Ambedtar as a leader of Depressed Classes was a party to it. He. 
therefore, issued a statement to clarify his stand. The stBicmcnt 
is most revealing and relevant to the issue before us. The state- 
ment, besides clarifying the cause and stand of the Depressed 
Classes, is exposing the ignoble tactics of Gandhui- The entire 
statement, therefore, iz reproduced here below :— 


Dr. Anibcdkar*s Statement on Gandbrs Fflst 

(Siatemmit od Mr. G«ndhi^s attitiid« at the Round T^le 

Conference to the Untau-chablcs and theb- demand for 

ConfititDtiotial vafeg^iurds, I9tli September, f932)< 

T need hardly say thai I was asiourfded to read the corres- 
pondence between Mahalma Gandhi* Sir Samiiel Hoarc and Ihe 
Prime Minister, which was published recently in the papers, in 
which he hRti expressed his deterinitiaiiQii to starve himwlf uoto 
desth till iht Briiish Government or \\s own accord or under pres- 
sure of public opinion revise ihcir opinion and withdraw their 
scheme of communal representation for tlic Depressed Classes. 
The unenviable position, in which T have been placed by tiw 
Maliatma^s vow of self immolation, caneas^ily be imagiaed. 

It passes my coraprcbcTisit>rr why Mr. Oandhi should stake 
bis life on an issue arising out of ibc communal question which 
tc. at the Round Table Conference, said was one of a compara- 
tively small importance. Indeed, to adopt ttae language of Mr. 
Capdhi'8 way of thinking. Che question was only o« appendix to 
tie book of India's confititulron and nut the main chapter. It 
would have been justifiable, if Mr, Gandhi had resorted to this 
a^trcme step for obtaining independence for the country oa which 
he was so inslsccLt all through the RXC. debates. It is also a 
painful surprise that Mr. Gandhi should single out special rep- 
resentation for the Depressed Classes in the Communal Award aa 
ftn excuse for his self-immolation. Separate electorates are Rraa- 
ttd J30C only to Che Depressed Classes, bat to the Indian ChtisCians, 
Anglo-Indians, European*;, as well as to the Mahomedans and the 
Sikhs. Also separaie electorates are granted to landlords, labour- 
firs and traders. Mr. Gandhi had declared his opposition to the 
Ipccial representation of every other class and creed e;rcept 
the Mahomedans and the Sikhs. All the same. Mr. Gandhi choo- 
tes to let everybody else except the Depressed Classes retain ibe 
special elecloraics given to them. 

The fears expressed by Mr. Gandhi about the consequcucea 
ofthearrangemonisforihc representation of the Depressed Classes 


are, in my opimon, purely imagioary. Tf ibe ofltioti is not going \ 
[0 be fiplit up by wpafatc electorates to ibe Mahomedans aod the 
Sikhs^ th* Hindu aocicly cannoi be said lo be split up if ihc Dep- 
ressed Classes aregivco separate eiectoraies. His conacieoce is 
not aroused if ihe nation as split by the arrangemenis of Special 
Electorates foi" clasMS and communitica other than the Depressed 

I am sure many have fdi that if there was any class which 
deserved w be given spcciaJ ppLitJcal ti^is m order lo protect it- 
self agabbi the tyranny of the HHyority under Swaraj consiituiion 
jt was the Depresaed Classes. Here is a cEaas which is uadoul>- 
tedly noi in a position lo sustain itself in the struggle for exist- 
ence. The religion to which they are tied, instead of providing 
for them an honourable pJacc, brands them as lepers, not fit for 
ordinary intercourse. Economically, it is a class entirely depend- 
ent upon the high caste Hindus for eajniug its daily bread with 
no indepeodeni u^yol living open toil. Nor aJl ways dosed by 
reason of the social prejudice* of the Hindus but there h a definite 
ailcmpt aU throughout the Hindu Society co boli every possrblo 
door 10 as not to aJlow the Depressed Classes any opportunity to 
rise io Ih* scale of life. Jndeed iC would not be an esaggcraiion to 
lay that in tvery village the caste Hindus, however divided among 
themfielvM, arc always in a standing coospirmcy to put down in a 
merciJcss manncf any attempt on the part of the Depressed Class- 
es who form a small and icaWered body of an ordinary Jndian 

In these circumstances, it would be gfanied by ail fair min-' 
ded persons that as the only path for a community so handicapped 
10 succeed in the struggle for life agaia^ organised tyraaoy, some 
share of political power in order that it may protect itself is a "^ 
paramount necessity, 

I should have thought that a well-wisher of Ihc Depressed 
Classes would have fought tooth and nail for securing lo them aa 
much political power as might be possible in Ihc new Const i tut ion, 
Bui the Mahatma's ways of thanking are strange aqd are ceriaioly 
beyond my comprehension. He not only does not endeavour 10 


augment Ac scanty political power which the Depressed Classes 
have got under the Commuiial Award, bai on Ihc coolrary ^e ba» 
mkcd his very life in order ro deprive ihcm of Imlc Lhcy h*ve 
got- This is not the first atcempi on the part of the Mahatma ta 
completely dish the Depressed Classes out of political exisieoc*. 
Long before, there was the Minorities Pact. The Mahaima tried 
to enter into an agrccmcm with the Muslims and the Congrcw. 
He offered to the Muslims all the fourteen cJaims which th<:y had 
put forth on (heir behalf, and in return flskcd them to join with 
him in resisting the claims for sociaSrepresentatioQ made by me 

OD behalf of the Depressed Oasscs* 

rt must be Slid to Ibc credit of the Muilim delegates thai 
they refused lo be a party to such a black aa. saved the Depres- 
sed Classes from what migbtas well have developed into a cala- 
mity for ihetn M a reauliofihe combined opposition of the 
M-Ohammedans and Mt. Caadhi. 

I am unable to understand the ground of hostility of Mr. 
Gandhi lo the Commual Award, He saysi'that the Communaf 
Award has separated the Depressed Classes from the Hindu com- 
mnnity. On the other hand. Dr. Moonje, a much stronger prota- 
gonist of Ihe Hindu caw and a militant advocate of its interests, 
takes a totally different view of the matter. In the speeches which 
he has been delivering since his arrival from London, Dr.Moooje 
has been insisting that the Communal Award doea not create any 
Wparstion between the Depressed Classes and the Hindus. Indeed, 
he has heen boasting that he has defeated me in my attempt to- 
politically separate the Depressed Classes from the Hindus- I am 
sure that Dr- Moonje is right in his inicrpretaiion of the Com- 
munal Award although^ I am not sure (hat the credit of it can 
legitimately go to Dr. Moonje. It is therefore surprising that 
Mnhaima Gandhi who is a nalionalisi and not known lo be a com- 
munalist should read the Communal Award> in so far as it relates 
to the Depressed Classes, in a manner quite contrary to that of a 
communalist like Dr. Moonje, If Dr. Moonje does not sense any 
aeparatjon of the Depressed Classes from the Hindus in the Com- 
munal Award the Mahatma ought to feel quite satisfied oQ 
that score. 

Id my <}pinJoin» ibaL Commutial Award should not only ^ 
■sai[sry the Hindu*, but 3hc» satisfy those individuals araoDg 

the Dcprwscd Classes such as Rao Bahadur Rajah_ Mr. Baloa 

or Mr. Gawai who are in favour of Joim Electorate, Mr. Rajah's 
formuUlions in the Asscnih!y have amused me coasiderably. An 
inlensc supporter of Separate Electorates and the bitterest sad 
the mosx vehement crriic of caste Hindu tyranny, now professes 
faith in the Joint Electorate?; and love for (he Hindu, How much 
of that is due to h?s natural desire to resiisciEaie himself from 
the obfivion in which he was cast by his being kept out of the 
Round Table Conference and how much of it is to his honest 
.change of faith, 1 do not propose to discuss. 

The points on which Mr. Rajah n harping by way of criii- 
^iam on the Communai Award are two: one is that the Depressed 
Classes have gained lei^ser numbcF of seats than they are entitled 
to on the population basis, and Ihc other is that the Depressed 
nClasses have be<n separated from the Hindu fold, 

I agree in his first grievance, but when Mr. Rao Babaduf 
twpins to accuse those who represented the Depressed Clafises at 
the R.T.C. for having sold their rights, I am bound to point out 
what Mr, Rajah dfd as a member of the Indian Central Cam- 
cm ti^. In thai Committee's report, the Dcprcsned Classes were 
■igiven in Madras 10 wats out of 150: in Bombay S scats out of 
|4; inBengaJ 8 *eai*oul of 200; inU.P, 8 seats out oflBMu 
the Punjab 6 seals out of 150; in Bihar and Orissa 6 oui on50; 
in C.P. 8 out of 135 and In A!i^am 9 s-eata for the Depressed 
Classes and the indigcncom and primrtrve races out of 75. I do 
not wish to overburden this statement by pointing out how this 
distribution compares with the pomilatron ratio. But there can 
be no doubt that rhi^ mpjut a terrible under- renrenentation of the 
Depressed Clashes. To fhis distribution of seats Mr. Rajah was 
a party. Surely, Mr. Rajah, before he criticises the Commnnal 
Award and acct]«:cs others, should refresh his memory of what he 
accepted as Member of the Indian Central Committee on behalf 
df the Depressed Classes without any protest. Jf the population 
ratio of representation was to him a natural right of Depressed 
Classes and it* full realisation was a neccstily for their protection, 



why did dp: Mr, i^iajj insisi upoE ii (q ih^ Ccniml ComniiLlcc- 
wnen ho aad aa opponiuuty iq do bq ? 

-As to this coDtcQUon that m the Conunun&l Award,^ihe 
Dcpi^swd Classes hare been scpara[cd from the caste Biodiis,- 
it IS ft view 10 which 1 caonoL subscribe. If Mr. Rajah has aoy 
coQsaeouous objection to sepataie eLcctoraics, there is no ccm- 
piilsioo ott him to siand as candidate in the ^epamie Electorate. 
Toe opportuaii> lo stand as caadidaie in the gcaeral elecioraie 
a^ rtctt Oh xac njfai to vote io it are there, and Mr, Rajah ig free 
10 avau himscU ol the stale. Mr. Rajah is crying at t be top of " 
ms voice to asdurtf to the Depressed Classes that ibere is a com- 
pwie Change of h«n on tht part oUhc Caste Hindus to prove 
infli laiiE lij inc satislictioa oi tne Depressed Clfisses, who arc not 
prepareu to latc nis word by gelling himsell^ elccied in the seneral 
waaiJtucucy. ihc Hindus, who profess love and sympathy for 
mi; Depressed <;ia3sc», wiil have alsa an opponunity to prove 
incir Dupaiidcs by tflcctiDfi Mt» Rujan \o ide legistature. 

Iho Couununal Award» thcreforci la my opinionj sati^ 
hed botn tnvsc who wunt ACpaiaie' elccloiatos and ibose who 
Want joiut cicctoraies. In this sense, it is alrcttdy a compromise 
anil snoujd be auccptca as It is. As lo the Mahaima, I do not 
know what ha wanL>, it is assumed that although Mabatma 
GanidJli IS opposed to the syatem of separate electorates, ho is not 
Opposed lo the aysiem ol joint eJeutoratcs and Reserved Scats. 
Inn: IS a g^o^ crri>r. Whatever his views are today, while in 
ixjndoii he was loiiUly opposed lo any lyslcm of speciaJ rcprescnt- 
aiLOD lor tOc Dcpreued Classes wbcLbcr by Joint Eiectoratea 
or by Separate Eiccioratcsp Scyood the right to vote in a general 
electorate baaed upon Adult Suflrage, he was noC prepared lo 
c<7awdo anything to Lbc Dvprcsscd Classes by way of sccuring- 
their repreaeatation in ihe legislatures. This was tlit position 
he had taken at hrst< Towards the end of the R.T-C. he sugges- 
ted to moapchtme, whicJi he said, he was prepared to consider. 
The schcmCr was pureJy convcntionaL without any conBtiiutional 
sanction behind it and witho^ui any sinftle seat being reserved' 
for the Depressed Classes in ihc electoral law. 


The Kheme was as follows: 

Depressed Class candidates ffiighl stand in the general 
eleciotate as against Other high caste Hindu candidates. If any 
Depressed Class Candidate was defeated io the election, he should 
file an election petition and obtain the verdict that he was defeated 
betauw he was an Untouchable. Tf such a decision was obtamed 
the Mahatma said he would undertake to induce some Hindu 
members to reBigo and thus create a vacancy. There would be 
(hen another election ici which th= defeated Depressed Class 
candidate or any other Depressed Qass candidate might ap»m 
try hi< luck as against the Hindv candidates. Should he be defea- 
ted again, he should get similar verdic. that he w.s defeated 
because he was an Untouchable and so on ^d >^fi^iium lam 
disclosing these fact, as some reople "^ =^" "?^ ""™ 
impression that the Joint Electorates and Reserved Seats would 
Mtisfv the conscience of the Mahatma. TTi.S Will show why 
insistthal there is no use discnssing tte <,uestion until the aaual 
proposals of the Mahatma are put forth. 

imust, however, point ou. that I cannot acept the assu- 
™«, Of the Maliatma that he -nd his Congress wUdothe 
«edfnl. I cat:not leave so i-nportan. a question aa the 
proteclion ofmy people to conventions and understandings- Tne 
Mahatma is not an immortal person, and the Congress. 
assuming it is not a malevolent force, is not w have an abiding 
enistence. There have been many Mahatmas in India whose sole 
object was to remove Untouchability and to elevate and abiorB 
the Deparessed Classes, but every one of them has failed io his 
mission. Mahatmas have come and Mahatmas have gone. But 
the Untouchables have remained as [Jntouohables, 

1 have enough experience of the pice of Reform and Ibe 
ftHh of Hiadu f*rorniBrs in the conflicts that have Uken place 
at Mahad and Nasik. to say that no well-wisher of the Depressed 
Classes will ever consent to allow the uplift of Reformers who 
in moments of crisis prefer to sacrifice iheir principles rather 
than hurt the feelings of ihcir kindred can be of no use to the 
Depiesscd Classes. 




r am, ther^rore, bound to insist upon a Statutory guarantee 
for tht prorcclion ofmypeopfe, IfMr, Gantdhj wi$bcs to have 
the Communaf Award aliercd> ft is for him to put forth his pro- 
posal and 10 prove that ihey give ft better giiarantef than has ifecn 
given to us under the Award, 

I hop* that the Mahfltma wfll desist from carrying cut 
the extreme step comemplaled by him. We mean no harm to ihe 
Hindu society when we demand separate electorates. If wc choose 
flcparaic electorates, we da so in order to avoid ifec total depeo- 
P«ncc on ihc sweet will of the Caste Hindus in matters affecting 
our desiiny. Like the Malialma we also eTaiin our ri^t to err. 
and expect him not to deprive us of that right. His determina- 
tion to fast himself upio deuih is worthy of a far better cause. 
I couJd have anderstood Ibo propriety of the Mahatnta cootem- 
p]ating such extreme step for slopping riots between Hindus 
and Mohammendans or between the Depressed Classes and Ihe 
Hindus or any other national cause. It certainly cannot improve 
the ]ot of the Depressed Classes. Whether he knows it or not, 
the Mahaima's act will result in nolhrng but terrorism by hig 
followers against the Depressed Classes all over the country. 

Cofrteion oF this sort will not win the Depressed Classes 
to the Hindu fold iffhey are determined to go out. 

And if tfac MaTiatma chooses to ask the Depressed Cfasui 
to make a choice between Hindu faith and possession of political 
power, r am q^jitc sure that the Depressed Classes wiM choose 
political power and save the Mahatma from scrf-tminolatron. 
If Mr. Gandhi coolly reflccis on the consequences of his act, I 
very much doubt whether he will find this victory worth having. 
It fs still more important to note that the Mahatma ts releasing 
reacCtoraarv and uncontrollahle forces, and is fostering the spirit 
of hatred between the Hindu Community and the Depressed Class- 
es by resorting to this method and thereby widening the enisting 
gulf between the two. When J opposed Mr. Gandhi at the R.T.C, 
there was a hue and cry against me in the country and there 
was a conspiracy in the so called nationalist press to represent 
me as a traitor to the nationalist cause, to suppress corre^pon- 


dencc coming from my side and to boost the propaganda against 
my party by publishing exaggerated reports of meeiings and con- 
fbnaces, many of which were never held. ^'Silver butleis" wer* 
freely ased for creating division in the ranks of Depressed 
Classes. There have been also a few (PEaabes coding in violence. 

If the Mahatma does not want all ibis to be repeated on a 
large scale, let hini, for God's sake, reconsider his decision and 
avert the disastrous consequcoces. I believe [he Mahatma doer 
not want this. But if be does not dcaisti in spite ofhfs wishes 
these consequences aro sure Co follow as night foUows the day. 

Before concluding this slatemeni. 1 desire to assure the 
public ihat although I am eniiiled to say that I regard the matter 
as closedi J am prepared to consider the proposal of ilie Mahaima. 
I, however, trust the Mahaima will not drive mc to the necessity 
ofmakias a choice between his life and the rights of ray people, 
For 1 can ocvcr consent Co deliver my people bound hand antt 
foot 10 the Caste Hindus for generations to conic. 



Under the impact af tbc coercive Tast of Gandhijt, (he Uq- 
loucliablcs were forced to agree lo alter the Communal Award 
and therefore lost Separate Electorates granted by the British. 
Prime Minister. This new agreement bciweeo the High Caste 
Hindus and the Untouchables is known as Poona Paci- 

The then prevaEcni circumstances are best described by Dr- 
Ambcdkar himself as below : 

"Aft to myself, it is no exaggeration to say tHial no man y/a^ 
placed in a greater and graver dilemma than 1 was then. It was a 
baffling situarioti. I had to make a choice between two different 
ahentatives. There was before roe the duty, which [ owed as a 
part of common humanity, to save Gandhiji from sure death- 
There was before me the problem of saving for the Untouchables 
thePolitJCalrights which the Prime Afioister h^s given them- I 
responded to the call of humanity and saved the life ofMr- 
Gan-dhi by agreeing to alter the Communal Award in a manner 
satisfactory to Mr. Gandhi. The agreement is known as the 
Poona Pact.'* 

Text of the Poona Pact 

(1) ThefC shall be scats reserved 

for the Depressed 

Classes out of the Geocntf electorates 

seats in the ProvincLak 

Legislatures as follows t 




Bombay with Siod ,.. 




■ 4* 


Bihar ftnd Orissa .,- 

■ '. 


Centfal Provinces — 




- F - 



■ ir 


United Provinces _.. 

>■ -> 





These figures arc baaed on Kiial strengili of the Pro- 
vincial councJTs announced in the Prime Mjnjsicr"* dccigiao, \ 


(2) EleciJoQ Eo ih«c scats shall b« by joint elcclo- 
nites, subject howtvcr, to Ihe following procedure : 

All the members of the Depressed C!a«ts registered 
in Itio general electoral r<ill in a consfiluen^y will f&Tin an electo- 
ral college^ which will elect a piinel of four candidates belong* 
ing to IhP Depressed Clas-ses for each of such re^rved seats, 
by the raeihod of the single vme; the four getting the highwt 
number of voles in such Primary election, shall be candidates 
for election by (he gcneraJ electorate. 

(3) Representation of the Depressed das&cs in Ihe 
Central Legislature shall tikewise be on the prfndple of joint 
electorates and reserved I'enU hy the method of PHmaiy 
election in the manner proMcJcd fnr in clause (2) above, for 
their representation in the Provincial LegtsL-liireii. 

<4) Tn ihe Central LegisfjUurr, cigbit-cn per cent of scats 
a.llolIed to the general eJeei-nrare fnr BHiish India in the 
said Legislature shall be reserved ir^r the Deprcs«ied Classes, 

(5) Tbe system of Piimary election to a panel of 
Candidates for election Bo the Central iind Provincial Legislature, 
as hereinbefore mentioned, cball come lo an end after the 
first ten years, unless terminated sooner by mutual agrecmeni 
under the provisioQ of clause (6) below. 

(6) The system of re present a lioo of the Depressed 
Classes by reserved seats in the Provincial and Central Legis- 
latures as provided for in claiisc^ (I) and M) shall continue until 
determined by mutual agreement between the communities 
concerned in the settlement. 

(7) Franchise for the Central and Provincial Legis- 
latures for the Depressed Classes shall be a^ indicated in the 
Lothian Commitlec Report. 


Places aad Pcrsoas conaecled wiib the Poona Pact 

fc^-- — 

Agha Khan Palace al Poona where Dr, Ambedkar with colleagues 
Mahfltiba Gandhi %vas lodged. after ygning the Poona Pact, 

Ycrvada Prison, wlicrc Dc- Ambcdkar was forced to sign 
the roost unforiuuaDc and unfavourable Poona Pad. 

(8] Th.cTC shuH be no disabilities attaching to anyone 
on the ground of his being a member of LJic Depressed Class 
in regard lo anyclcciions to local bodies or appoinimcnt lo 
the Public Service?. Every endcavotir shall be made to secure 
fair representation of the Depressed Classes in these rr^pccT$, 
subject to such educational qualifications as may t^ taid down 
for appointcaefit to tbe Public Services. 

(9) In every Province out cf ihe educational grant an 
adcquLiEc sum shall be earmarked for [Providing t^ducalioQal 
facilities to the Members of the Depressed Classes. 




PART— n 



L Diaadvantagesof tbePooaa Pact i £1 

2. fSenimciatioti of the P^ona Fscc i fl^ 


On I5ih March 19^7, on behaLf of ihe Schcduted Caste 
Federation. Babasahcb Dr. B- R- Ambedkar submltltd & lengthy 
Memorandum to ihc Constituent Assembly which was to draft 
the future consiiiuiion of India. The Memorandum demanJins 
the safeguards for ihe SchtduLed CbsIcs was quile l&ng and ex- 
haustive. One of the chapters of ihc Memorandum dealt with ihc 
poena Pad. especially the disadvantages of ihc Poona PacL U be- 
ing most relevant to (his book, cxprcssiog Babasahcb Ambcdkar's 
views 15 years nfler the Poooa Pact, i-* therefore reproduced 

below ; 

1. The Poona Pad was intended to devise a raeihod 
whereby rh« Scheduled Castes would be abtc to return to the 
Legislature representatives of their choice. This intemion 
has been completely nullified as will be seen from the following 
series of statistics. The series have been constructed from the 
results of the last elections which to9k pl^^ in February, J 946. 

2. Tbc statistical data !b arranged In four series of tables : 

First series show the votes secured by ihc successful 
Caste Hmdu candidate and the successful Scheduled 
Caste candidate in the Fiuat election. 

St^coJtd series show in how many cases did reJiance oo 
reservation clause become necessary for the s-uccess of 
the Scheduled Caste candidate in the Final election 
and in Uow many he succeeded without the benclic 
of rcservfltion- 

Third series show the relative voting strength of the 
Caste Hindus and the Scheduled Castes in consti- 
tuencies in which seats are reserved for the ScheduZed 


Fourrh series show iTie posilion in the Primary elcciioi*, 
of ihe Scheduled Casic Caadidates who became 
successful in Ihc Fina! elecirons. 

3. The conclusions ihal follow from these figures will 
not escape those who care tg examine ihcm. The figura 
prove the following propositions : 

(i) That ev<?ry of ihc Scheduled Caste candiilaic who 
became successful In the Final eJtclion owed his 
success to Ihe votes of the cas(e Hindus and noiof 
the Scheduled Capites. A great many of them cpme 
to- the top of the poll and secured votes equal lo 
aad io some cases Tarter than those obtained by 
Caste Hindu candidates {See Tables in the First 
Scries). Secondly, in very few oo-otihiencies was 
the successful Scheduled Caste candidate required io 
reJy on reservation (See Tables in the Second 
Series), This is a mosl unexpected phenomenon. 
Anyone who compares the voting strength of the 
Scheduled Cables with the voting strength of the 
Caste Hindus in the different consliiuencies [Set 
Tables In the Third Series) would realize that the 
voting strtnglh of the Scheduled Castes is so small 
Ihflt 5uch a phenomenon could never have occurreil 
if only the Scheduled Castes voter:; had voted for 
the Scheduled Caste candidates. That they have 
occurred is proof positive that rhe success of ihe 
Scheduled Caste candidate in Ihe Final election is 
conditioned by the Caste Hindu votes. 

<ii) That comparing tbc results of the Primary election 
with those of the Final election (^tfp Tables in the 
Fourth senes) the Scheduled Caste candidate who 
was erecicd in the Final election was one who had 
failed in ihc Prinaary election Of the Primary eTctlon 
be treated as a Final election and ihe constituency 
be treated as a single-member constituency). 

<iiO Owing to the extreme disparity between the votfog 
strength of the Hindus and the Scheduled Castes— 


disparity which wiU not disappear even under adult 
suffrage— a system of juint clecwretes will not 
sDccced in giving (he Scbcduicd Castes Ihc chaScc of 
returning thdr true reprewnuiivca, 

(iv) The Pooca Pact has completely disfranchised the 
Scheduled Castes inasmuch as caociidatcs whom they 
rejected in ihc Primary elections — which is a true 
indc^ of their will— have been returned in the Final 
election by ihc votes of the Caste Hindus- 

The Poooa Pact is thuj fraught with mischief. Ii waa 
flccepicd becauseoftfte coercive fast of Mr. Gandhi and because 
ofthe assurance given at the time thai the Hindus will not inter* 
fcrc in the election of the Scheduled Castes. 

¥ir*t Series 

Nflitic of Ihc CoDSiitucncy 


Voic^ polled by 

Voles polled 

Successful Hindu 

by succesful 









[. Coconada 





2. Ellore 



37.6 IS 


3. Bandar 





4. Ongo-le 

1- « 




5. Pcnukonda 





6^ Kurnool 





7. Chingicput 





8. Thiruvalur 





9. Rani pel 




21.05» ' 

10. Tiruv:vnnamalai 





11. Tindivanam 





12. Chindambaram 

- . F 




1 3, Tanjore 





14. Mflxinargudi 





15, Ariyalur 





li5. Sattur 





17. Malapurant 





IE. Namaichal 

■ r*< 







Name of tie 



Voles polled 


polled by 

by suojessful 








I- BurdcvaaCcDtraJ 





2- Burdwan, North-Wcst 





^3- Birbhi^m 





4. Baokura. Wcsl ,„ 





5. Thurgrain-cuii]-Gfia[al 

- h - 




6. Hooghly North-Eflst 





7. Howrah 





8. 24-Parganas, South-East 





9^ 24-Pargaaas, Norih-Wcsl 





to. Nadia 

* " 




n. Mur^bidfibad 





12. Jessore 





13. Khuloa 






14. Malda 

■ ■■ 




15. Dinajpur 






16. Jalpaiguri-cnnj-Siliguri 




26. [09 


17, Rangpur 






18, Bogra-cum-Pabna 

■ l4 




19. Dacca, Easi 





20. Mymcnsingh, West 





21. MymcDsingh, East 





22. Faridpur ,„ 






23, Bakargunj 





1r r - H 

24- Tjppera 







Name of ihe 


rul Hindu aadldAlu i 











1, fiovh<¥ CHy 





2. Botbbiy Ciiy 




1 Ktira DisJrici 





4. SuTii DJBVricI 





S< Tluiiat Somh 




fi, AbmcdiuiKKr, 




7, E&44 Khondab. 






a, Nikik^. WCBI 



36.5 J 5 


9, Podna. W«1 




10- Salnro. NOflh 









11 ftolsmuD, North 





33. BUiipur, North 




14. KoUbm. OiUricl 





1$. RMDo^ri* Noith 4 




1 1.734 



Name of the ConsHtueD<^ Seats 

Votes polled Voles polled 
by successful by successful 

Hiadu Scheduled 

candidates Caste 







1- Luctmow City 




2. Cawnporc City 




3. Agra City 




4. Allahabad Cily 




5- Bfldauo District 




6. JaTflun District 




7. Basti Districl 




S_ Almora Dislfici 




9. Rai Bardlli 




10. Sitapur District 




IK Gonda Djs-tnct 



J 3,447 



Name of the Constituency Seats 


1, NagpurCiiy 

2. Nagpur-Urared 

3< Hiagangtmi-Wardha 

4. Chanda-Sralimapuri 

5. ChindwanL-Sansad 
6- Sau^or-Khurai 

7. Raipur 

6. Baloda Bazar 

9. Bllftspur 

10. Mungeli 

11. Tanjgir ... 

12. Drug 

13. Bbandara-Sakoli 

14. Ycoima!-Daresba 

15. EKichpur 

16. Chikhli-Mchkar 

17. Akola-balapur 

Voles poUed Votes polled' 
by success- by success- 
ful Hiodu fill Scheduled 
candidates Casic 



















5, J 62 












Ml 3 















'J, 592 










Name of Ihe Contingency Seals 

Votes polled by 
succc^^rul Hindu 

Voi« polled 

by successful 



1 2 




1. Kamrup-Saor, Soutb 3 




2, NowgoBg .,< 1 


■ VI 


3, Jorhflt, North ... 2 




4. Hflbibpoj .» 2 




5. Karimgnnj ... 2 




6. Sikhar ». 2 


1 r - 




Name of the Constituency Scats Votes obtained Votes obtained 

by successful by succesfifiil 
Hindu Scheduled 

candidates Caste 


1. EaslTajpur 

2. East Burgarh 








1- -H ■! ^ 

=1 * 


u ■— ^ ^ ^ "■ n 




•- U 1^ CJ u EJ d 

'^ ^'S «-5 S'^ 





U u 

1^^ 23 £ V 3 





00 A 


1^ u^ f|- ^ 

- 3 ;2 2 " 


^ c^ w-i ^ irt 

2 a 

VI r* — 


SS 2 S2 ■ ; " 

3 B @ Ah" fl^ 

— iN rt It lA ^o r-^ 



Tfaird Serfca 




Total number 

Total number Rclaitvc pro- 

af voiern in the 

of Scbcdiiled portion oFcol'^ 

Caaic voters in umns 2 and 3 

the Cofisijiuency 





L Madias CUy, 

:^uiii Ccuiral 


4,0S2 1 


2. Chicacde 


8»07O 1 


3. Amalapuram .„ 


28,232 1 


4. Cocanada. 


17,616 I 


5^ EDorc 


16,835 i 


6^ Ongolc 


11,233 1 


7, Gudur 


10.263 1 


fi. Cuddnpath 


10.842 I 


9. Penukonda 


ii-89ri I 


10. Bellary 


10.146 1 


IK Kurnoo] 


n,679 f 


12r Tiruianni 


15,243 1 


13. ChinglcpuE 


22 J 82 I 


14. Tiruvallur 


21,287 1 


15. Ranipct 


11.271 1 


I '6. Tiruvannamaiai 


15,536 1 


17, Tindivanam 


19.521 1 


IK. CbJdambaram ... 


16Jfi2 I 


15. Tinikoyilur 


21,733 1 

: 4.7 

20* Tanjare **, 


13.198 1 


21. Manaargudi 


11.547 1 


Z2. Ariyalur 


16.772 1 


23. pBJiinJ 


13,521 I 


24. Satlur 


8,033 I 


25. Koilpatti 

1,00,52 [ 

20.907 I 

: 4.8 

26. Pollachi 


12^808 1 


27. Najnafckal 


11.407 1 


28. Coondapur 


8.031) 1 

. 5.7 

29, Matapuram 


J0,808 1 





Tmal num- Total num- Relative 
btrofvolerH berofSchc- proponioD 
Id ihe coos- duled CasW of calumiis 
tifuency voters id the 2 and 3 
Const iluency 

2 3 4 

General Urban 

J. Bombay Ciiy North and 

Bombay Suburban Dist. 

J, 67,002 


1 ; 4,fi 

2, Bombay City-Byculla 

ftad Parcl 



1 : 5.3 

G^Qcral Rural 

3. Kaira District 



1 : 19.06 

4. Sural Dislricl 



1 : 18.8 

5. Thana, South 



I : 14.5 

6. Ahmedsagar, Soulb... 



1 : 9,9 

7. East Khandesh, Ffist„. 



1 : 9.35 

8. Nasik, Wesl 



I : 7,7 

9. Po&na. Wesl 



1 : 5.6 

10. Saiara, North 



1 : 8-5 

11, Sholapur, North-East 



1 : 6,6 

12. Bclgaum, North 



1 : 4J 

13. BijapuT, North 



J : 6,7 

14. Kolaba District 



[ t 20,7 

15, Ratuagiri^ North 



1 : 9.3 



Total num- 

Total Dum- Relative 

ber ofvpicrs 

berofScht- proportion 


ia the Cons- 

dulcd Costs of columns 


voters in the 2 and 3 






Gmerel Rur^l 

U Burc^wan, Central ... 


24.610 1 


2. fliirdwan, Norlh-We&t 


16.830 1 


3. Birbhum 


37,637 1 ^ 


4. Bankura, West 


25.487 1 


5. Midnapore, Ccntml... 


20.167 1 


6. Jhargam-cum-Ghfltal 


13.091 I : 


7. Hooghly, North-East 


20,318 1 


8. Howrah 


22,990 1 


9- 24'Psrganai, SfrntJi— 



47,378 I 


10. 24-Pargana5, North— 



30,607 I 


IT. Nadia 


25,60i I 


12. Murshidabad 


17,176 I 


13. J«5sore 


55,052 1 

: 2.2 

14. Khuloa »« 


76,848 1 


15. Malda „, 


29,010 1 


le. Dinajpur 


M8,454 1 


17. Jalpaiguri cumSillKuri 


65.679 1 

. 1.2 

18. Rangpur 


65.679 1 

: 0.44 

19, Bogru-cwn-Pabna ,.. 


33,873 1 

i 2.58 

20- Dacca, East 


40,238 I 

; 2,35 

21- MymcDsinghj West -. 


35,046 1 


22-' MymensinghT Ea«E .,. 


29.5&8 1 

: 2.3 

23. Faridpur 


96,319 1 

: 1.7 

24- Batargqnj, SouUl— 



49,014 I 

: 1,6 

25. Tjppera 


34r813 1 

: 0,61 



Total Dum- 

Total num- Relative * 


ber of voters 

ber of Sche- proportion 

in the Coni- 

deled Caste of 



voters in the 2 and 3 






General Urban 

h Lucknow Ciiy 



1 : 9.S 

2. CawnporeCity 



I : 5.8 

3. Agra City 



: 4,7 

4. Allahabad City 



1 : 8,07 

General Rural 

5. Charanpur District 




1 1 6.5 

6. Bulandshah District, 




L : 6.6 

7- Apra District, North- 




1 : 7,4 

8, Manipuri District 




1 : 8.7 

9. Budaun District, Fast 



: 6,6 

10. Jalaun District 



; 4J 

11. Mirzapur Disrict» 




: 10.7 

12. Gorakhpur Disinct, 




; 7.7 

13. Basti District, South 



. S.S 

14. Azamgarh District, 



8J27 1 

: 6,2 

IS, Almora District 


20;ti71 ] 

: 6.7 

16. Rai Bafeilli District* 




: 4.6 

17. Siiapur Pisuicl, North. 



22.913 1 

: 3.3 

18, Fyzabad District. East 



: 5.7 

19. GonJa District, North- 



8,274 1 

t 7.7 

20. Bara BankE District, 



16,303 ! 

: 4.18 



Total nuro' 

Tola] Dunj- Rdaiive 


jcr of voters 

in the Cons- 


berofVhe- prop&ftjon 
dulrd Casts of columns 
voters in the 2 and 3 





Geacral Urban 
L NagpurCiiyl 

f »» 



: 5.02 

GcDcral Rural 
2, Nagpur-Uoircr 




1 : 4.8 

3. HinghflQ ghat- Ward hfl 




: 9.02 

4. Cliancia-BrahmiipLjri 




I 5.7 

5. Cbbdwara-Sausar 




: 9.7 

6- Jubulpure-Paran 

«i < 



t 115 

7, Saugt>r-Khiirai 




: 3,& 

8. Damab-Hatta 




: 9.2 

9, Norsinghpur-Gadarwara 



= 17.5 

lOr R^tpur 




: 2.9 

11. Balrnla Bazar 




: 3.06 

12. Bil^5|>ur 




: 2.1 

13. Mungeli 




. 2.7 

K- Jaojgir 




: 3.15 

15. Drug 




: 3.19 

16. BhantSara-Sakoli 




1 ; 4,5 

17. EllJchpur-Danapur' 




: 13,8 

IB. AkoU-Bclapur 




: 9.81 

19, YcoimaKDarwhii 

h - — 



: 10.06 

20. Chjkhli-Mchkar 




; 10 9 






Total num- 
ber of voters 
in the Cons- 


Tolal num- Relative 
ber of Sche- proportion 
dulcd Caste o-f cofumns 
voters m the 2 and 3 





1. Ea6t Bihar 


4,6i£ 1 

: 7.7 

2. Sotiih Gaya 


10,360 [ 

: 4.7 

3- Nawflrfa 


7,fiS4 1 

; 5.3 

A. East Central Shnhabad. 


5,984 1 

: 6,9 

3. West Gopalganj 


3,415 1 

1 9.7 

6^ North Bettiah 


2,S3l 1 

: 9.<y9 

7. ^ast Mozaifarpur-Sadr. 


3,133 1 


S. Darbhansfl Sadr 


2,116 1 


9, South-FjisC SamasCipur 


2,672 I 


10. South Sadi^Mon^yr „ 


6,465 1 


11. Madhipura 


K2S4 1 


12. South-West Purnca ... 


2.938 1 


U. Ciridih'cum-Ghatra .. 


4,667 1 


14. Nofth-F^St Palamnu .. 


4,237 1 


15. Ceaiial Manbhum 


5,617 1 





Total num- Total DUm- Relative 

ber of voters bee of Sclie- proportion 

in the Corn- duled Caste orcolumna 

tituenoy voters m the 2 and 3 





L Nongcng, North-East ... 


3.569 1 


2. Kararup Sadlr, South ... 


2,117 1 


B. Silchar 


4,201 ] 


4. Kaiimgapj East 


10,132 I 


5. Jorhnt, North 


1.360 1 

: X9.S 

6. JonamgaDJ 


1U603 1 

' 3.3 

7. Habibgaoj, North 


9.996 1 




Total num- 
ber of voters 
in the Cons- 


Total nuni' 
ber of Sche- 
duled Caste 
voters in the 


of col urn Da 

2 and 3 




1, £outh-£ast GurgaoQ 

2. Karaal. North 



1 : 6.2 
1 ; 6,2 

3. Ambab and Simla 



I : 3.27 

4. HoahlarpurN West 



I : 7.0 

3. JuBEundur 



1 1 1.8 

6, Ludhiana and Ferozepur 52,009 


1 : 1.8 

7. Amritior and Sialbot 



1 : 3.68 

8. Lyallpur and Jhaag 



1 ; 4.2 








.2 e 


" 5 S 

= O u 

u V, 


n V 









m — 











■o fc 
c c 














« a ^ in '^ 



















.s ^ 










> W 











































" *■ fN 




^ -5 £ 

« = 3 

g a= 

-- t: rl 


nl M 

a c 

.i; ■" 



13 *; 

■0 ,^ B 





















g 2 

£ =3 



























% (J c o -o '£i" 







_ -tt u 

C ^ u 

1 5 



^ £ 2 

=5 !i 5 

aj o 



n *J fi 






4> of 

T3 — 



U 15 










a "* 

§ « 2 S 

^ ^ Si ^ 



> ^ ^ 

^ o £ 
















- >-0 O ii O 4* 
„ eg c tJ = i'o 




























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E 5 






no 03 



<d \^ 


or o 
X\ CO 









IA-- s.-y 5 « o ij 
-« s S n ii^^g 

.vi Ol « rh ^-t?'?-"^ 


ft u.= 03 3 -■ ^ 
G -- ^ 43 =? O -!l 



u c i: S S .^ 

2 L_ o a o 


2 I Z"3 












J2 -a 


S >-S E 



s-^s & 










































fl - u = - S 


a, 'J 


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a (_ ^ 



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IS 44 















































































i DO 








— f^ 


■o ^ 



The Untouchables were forced to sign the Poooa Pact' 

under the impact of the coercive fast of Gahdhiji. Dr, Ambcd* 
kar denounced ii the very next day expressing his views. "The Un- 
touchables were sad. They had every reason to be." Ke kepi 
dcnouaciDg it cill thecndof hUlifc in 1956. He denounced ii ia 
private discussions^ public meeiings, rcvelent writings, in fact 
on ail the occasions that demanded denunciation. 

As an illustration of ihc denunciation by Babasaheb Dr. 
Ambedkar. some quoiaiiOQS from his two books (I) What Cong- 
ress and Gandhi have done to the Umouchahlcs, pablished in 1945 
& (2) Stales and Minorities, published in 1947, arc given below :- 

1. "There was nothing noble m the fast. It was a foul and 
filthy act. The F^st was not for the benefit of Ihe Untouchables. 
It was against ihem snd was the worst form of coercion against 
helpless peaple to give up the constitutional safcgaruds of which 
they had become possessed under the Prime Minister's Award 
and agree to live oo the mercy of fhe Hindus, jt was a viloand 
wicked act. flow can the Untouchables regard such a man as 
honcsi and sincere 7" 

2, "The CoioniUQal Award gave the Uslouchables two banc- 

(il a Bxed quota of seals to be ejected by separate electo- 
rate of UniQuchabJesand to be filled by persons belonging lo the 
Un touch able s- 

(iO double vote, one to be used through separate electora- 
tes and the other to be used in the general elecloraies. 

Now, if the Poona Pact increased [he quota of seats for the 
Untouchabicsiljook away the right to the double vote given to 
them by the Communal Award. This increase in seats can never 

tie decm<ed to be a compensation for the loss of the double vote. 
The second vole given by the CommunaJ Award was a priceless 
privilege. Its value as a political weapon 'was beyond reckon- 

3. "Today the Untouchabtes have a few more seats than 
were giv4:n lo them by the Co^mmuiia] Award. Bat this is all that 
they have. Every other member is IndiE'erent, if not hostile. If 
the CommunaS Award with its system of double voting had re- 
mained, ihe Untouchables would have had a few seats less but 
every other member would have been a meffibeT for the Untouch- 
ables. The increase tn the number of seats for the Untouchables 
is DO increase at all and! no recompense for the loss of separate 
clociontte and the double vole," 

4. "Claoae i(5J of the Poona Pact has limited the sjEtem of 
primBry election to ten years which means that any election tak- 
ing place after 1947 will be by a system of joiDt electorates and 
reserved seats pure and simple.'* 

"Things will be much worse under tbi system of joint elec- 
torates and reserved scats wbach will hcrcafl«r become operative 
indct the terms of the Poona Pact. This i& do mere speculation- 
The Eabt election ha^ conclusively proved that the Scheduled 
Castcfi can be coniptelely disfranchised '\^ a joiot electorate/' 

3. '* The Poona Pact had produced different reactions. 

The Untouchables were sad. They had cvcfy reason to be, " 

6. *'In the light of these coos I deration a, it can not but appear 
thallhe Poona Pact was only the fim blow ioflicied upon the 
Untouctiablea and that the Hindus who disliked it were bent on 
infliL-ting on tt other blows as and when circumstances gave them 
aa occasion to do so,"' 

T ^'Aftcr having accepted the Poona Pact, why did not Mr. 
Gandhi keep faith with the Untouchables by telling the Congress 
not lo despoil the politics of the Uniouchablta by contesting the 
teats reserved for the Untouchables by getting sucji Unlcuchables 
elected B5 were prepared to become the tools of the Hindus ?" 

S. ''After having acccpicd ihc Poona Pact why did not Mr. 
Candhi keep up the eenilemaQ's agreement and imtnict theOOng- 
Rss High CorOmafl<J to include rep rcscnia lives of the Untouch- 
«bJes in the Congress Cabinets ?" 

'■ " This shows that Mr. Gandhi not wittis tan ding his 

being a party to the Poona Pact is delerimned not to allow the 
Scheduled Castes being given the status of a separate ekment and 
Thai he is prepared to adopt any argument however desperate to 
justify his attitude of opposition." 

10. ''In short Mr. Gandhi is stifl on the war path so far as 
the Untouchable? are concerned. He may start the trouble over 
figftdD. The time to trust him has not arrived. The Untouch- 
ables must still hold that the best way to safeguard themselves ia 
to say 'Beware of Mr. Gandhi" 

f I . ''The second misdeed of the Congress waa to subject the 
Untouchable Congressmen to the rigours of party discipline. 
They were completely under the control of the Congress Parly 
Executive. They could not ask a qiBcsiioa which ic did not lite- 
Thty fcfjuld not move a resolutfon which it did not permiU They 
Could not bring in legislation to which it objected. They could not 
Vote as they-wishcd and could not speak what they fell. They 
were there as dumb driven catttle. One of the objects of obtaio- 
bg representation in the Legislature for the Untouchables is to 
enable them to ventilate their grievances and to obtain rcdrcas 
for their wrongs. The Congress successfully and effectively pre- 
Vented this from happening/' 

12. "To end this long and sad story the Congress sucked the 
Juice out of tht Poona Pact and threw the rind in the face of the 

n. *^The Poona Pact has completely disfranchised the Sche- 
duled Cjistes inasmuch as candidates whom they rejected in Che 
Primary election— which is a true index of their will-have been 
retitrned in the Final election by the votes of ibe Cartes Hindus." 

14. 'The Poona Pact is thus fraught with mischief. It was 
accepted because of the coercive fast of Mr- Gandhi and because 
of assurance given at the time that the Hindus will not in[erferc 
in the election of Scheduled Caste/* 






( An Era of the Stoogfs ) 


|. The Chamcba Agv i ^ 

2. Vttriom Varleticft of ^« ChAiocbmi : 95 

3. Evil effects of Ch« Gbwmcha Age i li' 

4. Stvoges ^CbaxuchAs) m the bonji i U? 



^'TheJoini Electorate is from the point of the Hindus' to use 
afamWar phrase a "rotten borough*' fn \vhfch the Hindus get the 
right to nofiiirtate ail imtouchable to set noniinatly as a represent- 
ladve of the unioudiobles but reaily as a tool of the Hindus.'* 

Dr. BR. Atnh^d^Lue 

Tool of ihe Hindus is ihc word Dr. Ambcdicar has used ia 
this quoifliion- Dealing wiih the political rights of the Scheduled 
Cast« which he secured for Lhem, he had bceo ver> oRctmsinj 
this word "Toorv BeMes the too}, he had been using other 
words liLc— agent of ihcHindus or stooge ofthc Hindus- it ha* 
been his Jot ihroughout his Eife (o deal with these loo Is, agents 
and stoogeSn while pushing ahead with the poliii&al claims of the 
Scheduled Castes, 

These toolsi agents nnd stooges of the High Ciiste Hindus 
have been increasing in numbers and varieties with the p;tssagc of 
liroe. ThcpoJilicalesigeQcies of the post fodepcndcnce period 
gave a big boost to these tools, agents and stooges. After the 
sad demise of Baba Saheb Dr. B.R. Ambedkar in 195fi, this 
process accelerated so mucb that today these tools, agents and 
stoogcsof the Hrgh Caste Hindus are found in abundance, not 
only m political field but also in cvc0 field of human activity and 
relationship, fntially these tiMls. agents and stooges were visible 
only to Dr. Ambedkar and the disceiaiog eyes. Later, they were 
to be detected by the intelligentsia. But to-day, these tools, 
agents and stooges arc so much a comcnon factor of vlaily life. 
that they can be easily detected by tbe common man in the public. 
The common maa has his own lermiaology. In his terminology 
a tool, an agent, or a stooge is icrm^ aS Cham-cba. And in this 
boot. 1 have decided to use the common man's terminology. Tt> 
my mind, it will be fruitful to use common man's tcrmiaology 
when we fight for his cause. 


Ctatncta is an indegcaous word used for a person wW 
cannot operate on his own, but requires to be operated by somff 
one else. And that aome one else always uses the Characha Tor his 
persona] use and good or for the good ofhis treed, which is alwaj* 
dctrifiicDtal to the creed of ibc Chamcha. In chii book more [han 
Ulc tooj, ihe agcDi and the stooge wc shall be using the word— 
Chamcha, la the Indian coDCc:^t and for the copimon maor 
this (vord wiil be naorc effective because besides the mcamngr 
it conveys the spirit with the optimum effect. All these four worda 
(i) Chamcha (ii) Stooge, <iiij Agent, <iv) Tool carry the same 
mcftmogbut shghtiy different spirit. Their use wWU ihercfore 
depend upon their effectiveness in carrying the meanias and the 

A MiMnoDBry mnvt aot be tuifftftkcn as a Chamcliii 

Some people are likely to mistake missionaries a» 
Chamcha^H El can be a great blunder. The missionaries and 
chamehas are poJes apart. A missionary is most obedient where 
at a Cbamcha is most subservient. Tho^e who cannot distinguish 
between obcdicnLC and subservience are likely to mistake a miS' 
sionary al&o as u chamcha. A Chanocha is used against his own 
creed whereas a missionary Is used for the good cf his creed. 
Funher, a chamcha ii used to weaken the real and g,enuinc 
leader ot his own crcepdt whereas a missionary is used to help 
and strengthen the hands of the real and genuine leader of his own 
creeds }i4any more points can be cited to dliffcrentiafe a chamcha 
from B nhi&£ionary worker. But bcfc, wc are Lciterested only id 
fUessinsupon thepoiot tMt a nuisionary tbust not be mist^keii 
as a Chamcha, 

NecMsity ot Creating Cbajnctta^ 

A tool, an agent, a stooge or a chamcha is created to 
oppose the real, the genuine figbter Only when there are 
genuine and real ftghlers the chamchas are in demand. 
When there is no fight, no struggle and no datiger from any 
fighier the cbamchaisTe not required, ihey are not in demand. 
As wc have seen that frooQ the beginning of the 20th century, the 
depressed classes had been up in amis against UQloucbttbdity and 
unjust sccia I order, almost alE over India, Jniiially. Ihey were 
rj^noied. But later, when the real leadership of the depcosficd 
classes became powerful and formidable, rhey could not be igno- 


fed, Anhis stasc.ihcHigh Caslc Hindu!, felt (he necessity of 
selling chamchaa a^aiD^t (he rwi leaders of the depressed classcB- 

During the Round Table Conference, Dr. Ambedkar foiighl 
for ihe depressed classes rnosE convjnciD£ly- Upio thai time, 
GandLiji aad his Congress were under the impression that Ibc 
depressed clasires were not having any real Jeadcr who could fight 
for them. During Ihe Round Table Conferences, around 1930-31 
Gandhiji and his Congress opposed, inch by inch upto Ihe very 
last moment every one of the demaiids of the depressed classes 
for p(^lilical safeguardfl- But the calibre of Dr. Ambedkar'fi 
leadership could secure Ihe just demands of the dcpreiBed classes, 
[nspiie of all the opposition from Gaadhiji and Congress, the 
Prime Minister's Award announced on 17rh August, J932» gave 
Separate ElectofBtc to the dcprwscd classes- During ihii period 
ofi930 to 1932 Gandhiji and the Congress fell the nccesfiily of 
chamchas for the first (ime- 

Dark Age to BHghf Ag« 

The untouchables of Jndid had undergone such sufferings 
fn their own land for centuries, which no other peopje had 
suffered in Che cntiic world, even in the alien lands. The sufferings 
and humiliations of the slaves, the Negroes aad the Jews are 
nothing as campared (o the untouchables of India, When we 
think of the man's inhumanity to man, the Sanatanism of the 
Hindos against the Untouchables has no parallel in the world. 
The nnfouchables of India remained worid's: worst slaves for 
centuries. firabmiDism had such poiaonous germs in it^ that it 
effectively killed the desire to revolt against the worst form of 
injustice. Thus the Untouchables of India siiffbred for centuries 
which can be termed as the Dirk Age for them. 

During the British rule these uatoucbables were exposed to 
(he western educafion and the westeni civilisation for quite a long 
time. This exposure kindled a spirit of revolt in them. Thus we 
find that in the beginning of the 20th century, the untouchables 
were up in arms almoat all over India against unfouchability and 
the unjust social order. By 1920. Dr- Ambedlcar ecncrged as a 
leader and saviour for thenip Within 10 years he cook their 
cause to the Round Table Conference! held in Eog]«Dd during 
1931,32. During these 2 Round Table Conferences, he fought 
for the untouchables successfully and secured all sorts of aafo* 

guards for them, especially the political saffguaTds id the 
form of separate elcctoiales. Looking back* now in relros- 
pect, wc can safelv say that Dr. Ambedkar was taking the 
uncouchaWcs of India from Ihc Dark Age to iht Bright Age. But 
alas, IhJs was aot tG happen* before reaching Biigfat Age. they 
clipped aside into Uu ChamchA Ajec. 

Side Slip to the Ghamclu* Age 

Around ihis period of 1931, 32, Dr. Ambtdkar^s efforts 
were parlly sabotaged by Gandbiji and hi* Cong.ress. Dr- 
Anibedkar was struggling lo lake the untouchables of todia from 
bark Age to Bright Age. But GanJhiji nnd his Congress were 
having diifcrent designs. Gandhiji wanted to rtin the :afyairs Of 
this country as per his Dharnia based on Chaturvarnya* By doing 
so fac was sure to keep the untouchables in the Dark Age. jiisi as 
Chatiirvamya could keep ihcm for ccniuric^* 

Guided by such de&igng. Gandhiji fought looih and nail 
flgsiinst any safeguards for them. During ihc Round Tabic Con- 
fsrcncc, he fought inch by inch till ihc last. He even eon ceded 
all the demands of the Muslims for their hostility to the unto u- 
cbablcsp which luckily for Chera. MuUtm leaders did not agree. 
jQspitcoFflll Ihis, Dr. Ambcdkar succeeded in getting the safe- 
guards for Ihem, especially the potifical safeguards in the form of 
separate electorate. 

h was too much for Gandhiji, When arguments failed him, 
he took to coercion and thrtateoed fast (ill death. The British 
Prime Minister wrore very conviuciog letter to Gandhiji, But 
Gandhiji went on fa&i on 20th Sepicmbert 1^32. The coercive 
dTectofCaodhiji's fust can be best CJiplained by the following 
extract from Dr. Ambedkar's statemicnC issued on 1 9(li September, 
1932 :- 

"It is still more important to DOte that the Mahatma is 
releasing reactionary and uocontro Liable forces^ and is fostering, 
the spirit of hatred betweeii the Hindu Communiiy and the Dep- 
ressed Classes by resorting to this method and thereby widening 
the existing gu]r between the two. When I opposed Mr. Gandhi 
ac Round Tabk Conference, there was a biic and cry against ma 
in the covilry and there was conspiracy in tlie so-called nationa- 
list press to supress correspondence coming from my side and 


to boost the propaganda against my pariy by puWiahiDg ewggc- 
raled reports nr meetings and conferences, many of which were 
Dcvcr held. "'Silver Bullets were freely used for ctcflling d\m\Qf\ 
in ihc ranks of the depressed classes. There have been also a tew 
clashes ending in violence. 

If the Mahalma docs not waaE all this to be repealed on s 
Iflrge scale, let him, for God's sake, reconsider his decision and 

avert tbc disastrous conwquences. I believe the Mahatma doei 
no( want this. Bui if he doea not desist, in spite of his wishes 
ibesc conse^^uences are sure to follow as night follows the day." 

The above cttcd portion of Dr. Ambedkar's statemeot 
gtvesas^inapse of (he dikmnia in which Dr. Ambedkar was at 

ihsltime. "My life is in your hands, wiU you save me?" was 
GandhTJi's plea to Dr. Ambedkar. This shows ibc over impatience 
of Gaodhiji to get out of the situation created by his fast. Suetl 
beingthediferomaOfDi'. Ambedkar and Gandhiji atihattimc. 
both were eager to get out of the situation. Thus, "disliked by 
the Hindus and disfavoured by the Untouchables, the Poona Pact 
was givtn recognition by both parlies and was embodied in the 
Govt, of India Aci." 

The Poona Pace toot away the separate electorates from 
the uniouchflbles and imposed the joint clccioraUs on thorn- Its 
effcc[ has b«n wondcifully explained by Baba Saheb Dr- 
Ambtdkar himself: 

"Things will be much worse under the sy§tcni ofjoint elec- 
torates and reserv«3 scats which will hereafter become operative 
under the terms of the Poona Pact. This is no mere Bpeculaiion. 
The last ejection (1946) has conclusively proved ihal the Scheduled 
Castes can be completely disfranchiacd in ajoinc electorate," 
TlieinevilabU- happened, the Poona Pact completely disfranchise! 
the Scheduled Castes and tbercby pushed Ihem into the Chamcha 

How Old is this Chamcha Age ? 

On 24lh September. 1932, Poona Pact was forced on the 
depressed classefr. With this started the Chamcha Age. Whea 
Hindus were forced to concede a tittle bit of power, Ihey took 
10 seccpnd line of defence. They saw t^ it ibat ihey aiust not 
lose control over it. This was secured by joint electorates, 


Through ihc joint clccioxatcs, ific rcprcsenia lives o( ihc untoui^ha' 
Wcs became only aominal rcprcaentaiives and not real reprcscn* 
Utive:si Tor no untouchable who did nol agree to be a Qominco 
of Ihfr Hindu and be a Chamcha in cheir hands tould be elected in 
a joint in -which ihe untouchable vater wasoutnum- 
beied in ratio of E lo 5 of in some cases 1 to 10. 

That 13 -why Gandhjji agreed to concede two Chamchas 
through joini electorates against one real rcprcscntaijvc ihrough 
separate electorate. Bui any number of chamchas cannot be a 
Sdbsritute even for one real rcpresentailvc. Whether the depressed 
dasscs liked it or not. but they were pushed into the Chamcha 
Age by the Pooaa-Pact, on 24th September, 1932. Thii Chamchfl 
Age will be 50 years old on September 24, 1982 when D-S4 
denounces Poona— Pact at Poooa itself. 

Hqw loag Ihe Ghamcha Age will last 7 

TNs IS another painful qucsLioa before us not only for 
answer but al^o to grapple with. Firai of all, wc will have lo 
understand thai how the chamchas of various varieties developed 
over the last 50" years. The High Casie Hindus who are rulins 
India (o-day had felt the neceasiiy of creating the chamchas only 
when iheie was danger to them of the real and genuene leadership 
-of the depressed clasaes. Today, when there is no gemiiue and 
real leadefship of the oppressed & exploited comrounitiet, the 
chamchas aK lying low and n-nt much in demand- At any rate 
thcreifinopampcringof thcchamchas as in the past. But with 
the emergence of real and geouine leadership Ihro^gh BAMCEF 
-& D-S4 Ihe chamchas may again assume importance. Such 6 
situation willlast, as long as the struggle between the oppressor 
and the oppressed lasts. In ilie light of my judgcmcntp it may 
not take more than JO years to put an absolute and compJeic end 
<o Ihe Chamcha Age. 



"Clause (5) of the Poona Pact has limited ibe syalcm of 
primary election to ten years which means that any election taiing 
place afier 1947 will be by a svstcm of joint clectoraies and 
rcfierveti ^eats pure and simple. 

Tilings will be much worse under the syslcm ^>fJf>lQt elec- 
torates and reserved seats which will hereafter become operative 
under the terms of ihe Poona Pact. This is no mere speculQtion. 
The last cleclion (1946) has conclusively proved Efeat the Schc 
Juled Cables can be completely disfranchised in a joint electorate" 

Dr. B.R. AmbedkAV 

Dr. Amhedkar's fear betarue true. The joint electorattt 
and reserved seats damaged the JDdepcndcnt movement of iho 
Scheduled CasieB, The Scheduled Castes were completely disfrau- 
chiscd, Wc can well imagine the fate of the disfranchised people 
in a democracy. A man of Dr. Ambedkar's calibre and stature 
■Tailed fo ^et himself elected to ihe Parliament twice> once in 1952 
General Hlcction from Bombay and again in 1954 by electiOD 
from Bhandara in Central India. In both these elections, he wai 
defeated by the h'ule known nominees ot the Congress of the High 
Caste Hindus. 

Fortunately for us, there was Dr, Ambedkar to remedy 
the siLuauon. As a result of changed strategy and tactics, the 
Scheduled Castes, could again esiaiblish a footbold during the 1957 
general elections. But alas after that Dr. Ambe^kar was not 
with us to carry this new strategy to the logical end. BesidcB 
af^er his Mahaparinirwana, the Bituaiion was Further aggravated 
by Ehe emergence of so many new varieties of ihe Chamcha*, 
Duringhis times. Dr. .Ambedkar was to grapple with only the 
Chamcbas oflhe Congfcss and of Scheduled Caste communiiie^p 
Bot ia the posl-Ambcdtar years^ hesides the Congress other 
parties: also felt Che need of creating their own chamcbas not only 
from amongst the scheduled castes, but also from other commu- 

nities. Thus large scale cfliergencc of the various vartetlc^i of 

tbe chamchGs. 

(A) Ciurte and Community-wise GhAmcbas 

The oppressed and exploited fseopic of India who are about 
85% of Indians total population are Icaderless lot. In l^ct the 
High Casic Hindus have succeeded in creating leaderlcssness 
amongst them- Such a situation is most conducive for creating 
chamchas out of these castes and communities. Caste and Com- 
munity-wise chamcba.s can be categorised as under : 

(1) Tfae Scheiinled Cavtcs— RelnctniLi Gha^nchfttt 

The entire struggle of the Scheduled Castes during the 20th 
century abundanily indicates that they were struggling to enter 
the bright age, hut were pushed into the Chamcha Age, by 
Gandhiji and hifi Congre^. They arc still smarting under prcs' 
sure- They have not recotidled to the present position, but at 
The same time, are unflb3e to get out of it. They, therefore, can 
be termed as reluctant chamchas. 

(ii) Tbe Scheduled Tribes— Initiated Ghamcbas 

The Scheduled Tribes arc noi known for struggles during 
the constitutional and modern devcloproeni of India. During 
T940's they also started getting recognition and rights atoug wUh 
tbe Scheduled Castes. As per the Consthutton of India a^er 2eth 
Januaryi I950»1hcygot the sadie recognition and righU as the 
Scheduled Castes. They got all ibis as a result of the struggle of 
the scheduled castes which created both national and interoationaF 
opinion in favour of tbe oppressed and exploited lodiatis. Till 
lo-day they are never represented in the Central Cabinet of India. 
But scill they appear to be conleaC with whatever they get. What 
» worse is that they are still under the impression that their 
oppressor and exploiter is their bcncfaaor. They, thus, can be term- 
ed as initiated chamchas as Ihey have been straightway i nil tatcd 
into the Chamcha Age. 

(iji) Tfae Otfaer Baickwanl GaMCft— Aepiruig Ghamcbas. 

After a long drawD struggle the Scheduled Castes along 
with the Scheduled Tribes got recognition and rights. As a result 
ofallihr*^ some of them have improved their prospects much 
beyond their cahore and capabilities. Ttiis improvcmen[ is cnosi 

The CRomcl^a A.q & 

Vatlott<3 Va^ letter 


apparcDt in the fields of Education, Public Services and poJidci- 
Such an i in pro vein est in (he condition of the schcduJcd castes and 
the scheduled tTihes hns aroused aspirations in Other Backward 
Castes, So far (hey have failed to realize ihis aspiration. 

During the recent years, tbcy had beta knocking at all the 
doors, but none opened for llicm. Recent HaTyatia elections 
during ifac month of Jnne» 1982 gave m the opportunity to watch 
them closely. The so-called small leaders of the Other Backward 
Castes had been knoctcing at aW the doora for licfccts. At tho 
cad, we found that they could secure only ooe ticket from tho 
Congress (D and one from the Lok Dal, out of 90 seals in 
Haryana. Td-day, there is only one ML.A-of tibe CB.C. !a 
the Karyaofl Aswrably, out cf its total strength of 90 membefS. 
Baring a few places, especially in the Souit» we find then strugg* 
'^05 to get tJckets at various placet and various levels but failing 
to get their due, aa in Baryaoa. In fact a large mijority of them 
aspire lo get whatever th9 scheduled castes and the scheduled 
tribes already pot. Out of more than 3700 castes of the 0, B. C 
about lOOOcasfes are not only aspiring, but also struggling to 
Iw included in the lista of the S.C./S.T. Thus the alround behavi- 
our of the OBC leads u to the belief tfaat they are the aspiring 

(iv) The MiDcrlties — Helpless Clwmcb>L« 

The reliBioDS minorities consiitut-e I7.3S% of the total 
population or India as per the 1971 ceosua. They had beein gctiiog 
their due as per tbe^r population before the exit of the British 
on 13th August, i947. Af^er that they bad been completely at 
the mercy of the ruling casles of India. The abucdancc ofcom^ 
mtinal riots keep the Muslims od their toes. Christians are 
lieJplessIy pulling on. The Sikhs arc struggling for respectable 
Mistence. The Buddhists have failed even lo pick up- All thia 
go-eii to prove that the minorities in India are helpless cbanichaj. 

<B} Party-wise Chamduui 

"The second misdeed of the Ccngress was to subject 
the Untouchable Congressmen to the rigours of party di^ 
cjplinc. They were completely under the control of she 
Congress Parly executive. They could not ask a question 
which k did not Like. They could not move a resolution 
it did not permit. They could noi bring tn legislation to 


which it objcct«J. They could not vote as they wished and 
,.:■ could ao<t speak what they felt. They were tbcre as* dumtr 
driven caUle. Ooc of the objects of obtamiag,reptcscnca- 
tlon in the legislature for the untouchables is to enable 
thero to vcQiilftte their grievances and to obtain redress for 
(heir ^vrongs. Tbe Congress successfully and effectively 
prevented this fiom happcniag/' 

"To end this long and sad story the Congress iuckc<v 

the juice out of the Pooaa Pact and threw the rind in the 
face of the untouchables/' 

— Dr. BJL Ambcdkar 

The helplessness of the Scheduled Caste L^i^iators had 

been described tbus by Or, Ambedkar in bis famous book '* Wtaat 
CoDgress and Gandhi have doije to the Uatouchables." Ihis was 
so m J945. During the contiog yean;, we were to wiiness much 
worse and on widcricale. At thai time there was only one paity 
of the High Casie Hindm to bebavc thus and create chamchas out 
of tbc scbeduled caatca. Bui to-day. thcfc are 7 National Icvel- 
panjes and many Scat& level and rcgigoai parties of the Higb 
Caste Hindus to create chamchaa not only out of the scheduled 
castes, but also from all the oppressed and exploited comiuuniLie^ 
of India, lo-day all these parties ofthe High Caste Hiudus arc 
kuckiog juiccaiid throwiug rind al the face of ihcsi: 85% oppres- 
sed and exploited Indians, 

Thus, this party-wise creation of Cbamcbas has further 
aggravated ihc situation for U5- Those who wjsh to grapple with 
the problem cannot ignOfe thi^ asp^I ot the larger problctn belore 
{C) Igoorant Cluunclias 

The oppressed Jndiana, cfipccia.Jly the Depressed Classes 
hod been strugghng aeamst injUBiicfr almost all ovc^t Udia. Most 
of the struggles remained lecal and regionaL K(*epjng the popu- 
lation and size of the counlry in mmd, wc can say that those 
btruggles wcic condu^-ied altnost in isolation, no much so, that 
they look like group struggles, In those group struggles, people 
knew only about their own struggle while rcmuinirg ignorant 
about other struggles of their brethicn conducted elsewhere^ 
Thishaodicap of ibe depressed classes can be well imagrned by 


ihcfaclLbaLa large maJorJCy of Ibc depressed classes rcmaiDcd ^ 
Absolutely rgDorant about the lire-long Gir\igg]c of Dr. Ambcdkar 
for these very depressed classes. Even today about 50%. scheduled 
castes people in India arc ignorant about the (Ife and mission of 
Dr. Ambedkar. 

Such large scale ignorance of (be Scheduled Caates, Schedu- 
led Tribes and Other Backward Ca&tes was exploited by tbe High 
Caite Hindus. Taking advantage of their ignorance and other 
weaknesses the High Caste Hindus could easily create chamchaa 
out of them. This variety can be termed as ''ignorant chamchas/* 
These igaorant chamchaa were a big headache for Dr. AmbedLar 
durJDg his lifetime. In his famous book "What Congress and 
Gandbi have doDc to the Unlouchables". he bad cited some exam- 
ples. One such example of ihe ignorant unioucbablcs is given 
below ; 

As pel the Tree Press Journal of \4AAS, one Rai Bahitdur 
Meharchand Khanna was reported to have said at a meeting of 
the untouchables at Peshawar on April \2, T945 under iho 
auspices of the Depressed Classes League, 

*'Your best friend is Maliattiia Gandhi who even reported 
lo a fast for your sake and brought about the Poona Pact under 
whj-ch you have been enfranchised and given representation in 
local bodies and legislature. Some of you, i kpow, have been 
Tunning after Dr. Ambedkar, who is jnst a creation of the British 
Lmperialists and who us>es you to strengcben the haodsofthe 
British Qovemnieni In order that India may be divided und tbe 
Britishers continue to retain power. I appeal to you in your 
interests io distinguish between scIf'styEed leaders and your real 

Such being the ignorance of the depressed classes, the High 
Csste Hindus eoutd easily mislead them. They could convincingly 
tell them Dhat the usurper of their rights was their saviour- Thus 
a large mass of the depressed classes could be misled and 
ignorant chamcbas could be <:reftted out of ibem. 

(D) EnUghteaed Ghamcb»B or Ambedkarite rihann i-haa- 

We have taken note of the ignorant masses and bow 
chamchas coutd be created out of them- But the most tragic 
part of the Cbamcba Age is the enlightened cbamchas or the 


Arabedkaiiie chamch.aB. Dr. Ambedtar himself had poEnled 
out how ibc ignorant masses were misled about the role of 
Gandhiji aod Dr Ambcdkar in the struggles of the uncoucbabfcit 
We can understand the conduct of (be Igaorant masacS' But 
what to do with tbccoaducl of the enlightened people, especially 
enlightened by Dr, Ambedkar himself Thete enlightcoed people 
must JtQow about the xole of Gandhiji and Dr. Ambedkar. 

Wc were stunned lo know that these enlightened chanichas 
formed a committee in foonSi about a year back to cctebratc the 
Golden Jubilee occasion of the Poona Pact on 24lh September, 
1982. The preliminary committee constituted one year in 
advance included the General Secretary of the R.P.I.. the OfEce 
bearers of the Dalit Panthers and aorne seaior officers of Dr. 
Ambcdkafs owa enlightened community. Now kuowjag fully 
well the role of Gandhiji and Dr. Ambcdkar leading to the Poooa 
Pact, unlike their ignorant brelhrcn of Peshawar, the cnlishteqed 
people of Poona could not have even thought of celebrating the 
Golden Jubilee of Poona Pact. But these Ambedkarite chamchai 
were not only (binking, but also fevemhly preparing for the 
Golden JubHee occasion about a year in advance. What is still 
worst is that those who condemned Pooaa Pact in 1946 as advised 
by Dr. Ambedkarand led by Mr. R R. Bhole, were also prepar- 
ing thcmscWcs to celebrate ihe Golden Jubilee occasion. 

Keeping not only this, but also their alround conduct in 
mind and their persistence in stooging for crucnbs over the la^t 
«o many years, we have decided to term this variety as enlighten- 
ed chamchas or the Ambedkaritc chamchas. The evil effect as a 
result of their sloojing have been narrated in separate chapter. 

(E) ChAmchasof tb«ChBm<:hAS 

PoliiLCiil exigencies of the democratic set*up based on adult 
franchise forced the ruling castes of India to create chamchas out 
of iheoppressed and exploicd castes and communities oflndia. 
Thus, we see the abundance of chamchas at various levels of 
political operations. 

The worth of these political chamchas is judged by their 
following in their respective castes. The chamchas operating at 
higher and bigger level cannot manage the big affairs on their 
own. They are, thus, required to create their own chamchas to 


fcrve Ghe ruling c^tlts fully and faithfuHy. Besides this, thti cv<^/ \ 

increasing nuinberaor the educated craDloyeeg of the ichtfdu^ed 
ca«iC5 and scheduled tribes provide a fertile field for creating 
such chamchas. The cunning amongst this class of the cducarrd 
cmplo}'Ms to secure undue favours and benefits from ihc politi- 
cat chamchas lend to stooge- for them. The number of such per- 
Bous isbrcomine larger with the passage of lime. This class of 
the alooges can be termed as chanachas of the chaurchas, 

^V) Cfa&mchas Afar pad 

As liiere is no independent movemeiii of the opptesscd 
Indians in India^ tbe ravouriic and pampered chamchas of the 
past ycara arc lying low. This low Icvd of the chamchas io India 
V; touched Ihc bottom afier the 1980 parliamentary and aascmWy 
elections. Thia low kvci of the pampered chamchas in India 
was miatindcrBtood by many untouchable opportunists living 
abroad as dearth ofcbainchas in India. 

As if to fill tbi! gap, many sclliah and opportunist untouch^ 
ables rushed lo India. One such worthy from the U. S. A. wa? 

aceo making vuJgar efforts in and around Delhi, to fit himself a& 
a chamcba of the ruling pany. During his long stay in India, he- 
got disillussion^d and relumed back Io the U. S. A, to joiiT 
the Conglcss 0) oftheNew York Ciiy over there. All such sclfi sir 
untouchables had to return hack to their respeclivc forrigrr 
countries almost disillusioned- i bsve chosen lo take note of such 
abortive efforts only to point out that thtre are chamchas abioad' 
hiding in the wing?. Th?y will again come out in the open as 
and when the indcpcndcal movement of the oppressed Indians 
becomes s.1rong in India. 



TtieCriarTicha Ate Jastfng over 50 years had affected the 
oppressed and exploited Indfans very grcady, SlHrtiOE with 
poTiticalcffccfs. to-day, ii has affected (hem in all the waits oFlife 
and spheres nf huifian flclivity. Ail ihe&e effects of the Chamchft 
Age ca4i be termed as evil, nothing but evil. The most dangerous 
evil iffecti are condensed in 7 categories and dealt with briefly Id 
the Mowing few pages, ll is being done with the hope, that the 
affected Indiana will search ways and mcana not only lo seek 
solution from these evil effects, but also sirugglie to put aa end to 
the Chfimcha Age itself 

tl) Serioufl to thv Amb«dlrATiteMov«neQf 

The -oppressed tudians siruggling all over Iniia got the 
leadership of Cr. B,R. Ambedkar around 1930. The struggle* 
launched and conducted by htm during the later years can be 
termed as Amedkarite movement or an indepcadent movement of 
the Oppressed Indians. The immediate effect of the movement 
was that Df. Ambedkar's leadership could secure, both Recognf- 
ftonand Rights for them during ihe Round Table Conrcrences 
ofl930-32. On 341h Sept. 1532 Gandhiji forced Poona Pact on 
the untoucbableg. Dr. Ambedkar could fore^e the consegucncea 
to the independent movement of the oppressed Indians led by 
him. But keeping in mind the helples^ne?^ of hU people^ be jtigncd 
the Poona Pact with a hope to remedy the situation during thtr 
coming years. 

After Ihnf upto 19S6, he wa? tlierc to counter the evil effects 
of the Chamcha Age— a product of the Poona Paa. Lookiag ct 
this period of about 34 years, we can conclude that the task was 
too big. even for his stature and calibre. During 1946, he had to 
go to Bengal even to get himself elected to the Constituent 
Asienbly, whereas his patty was iqoarely defeated all over India. 


During ibe 1952 elections his party was again defeated. During 
the elections of 1952 and 1954, ho bimscir was dereaicd b/ (ho 
little known nominees of the Ccngreas of the High Casie Hindus. 

Al the Fag end of the period, he could largely overcome «h»: 
evil tfTccls ofibc Characha Age. Tbus in the year of 1956, wc 
could notice an upsurge in the Ambcdkaritc movement on alinost 
all the froats-social, economic, poiicfcal aod even rcligrous. But, 
alas, after tbat he w-ai sot to be with us \ Perhaps sensing Ibe end 
of his life, he Left a very important message Tor his lieulenams 
and people : 

"Whatever [ have done, I have bcea aMc lo do after paa^iog 
through crushing mBuncs and endless troubles aU my tifc and 
figbiing with my oppoiientSp Wjib great di^cuaty, lhav« brought 
this Caravan where It is scca to-day. Let ibc Caravan m^rch on 
despite ibc hurdles that may come its way. If my licutcaanls arc 
Dot able to lake Ihe Caravan abead tbey should leave it ihctc, 
but under no cinimstaiiGes 3bouLd they allow Ihc Caravan to go 
back. This it the message to my people-"' 

But as wc can clearly sec and find, now in retrospect after 26 
years, tbe caravaa could not he lakeu ahead^ Baba Saheb^a 
UeuteoanU eould not even iceep it there, it slipped back so 
&|>eedily thai it almost erasbcd. The set-back to AmbedkaritC 
movement is all round; socially, religlonsSy and ^liiieally, the 
movement is almost non-eiti'SteDt. 

Failiue of the Ambedkarite movement caused divisions in all 
the orgaaisatioQS built by Baba Saheb Ambedkar. Poliijcally 
R. F. 1. is divided lato about a dozen splinter groups, all quarrelling? 
with each other. Dalii I'anthers came and fell faster than the 
R. R I. groupings. From 1952 to 1967 the political party whe- 
ther S. C. F. Of R. P. I, was recognised both in Maharflshtra and 
the Pitnjah. Instead of advancing further to become an all India 
pany, it slumped steeply Because oFa dozen divisions in Mahara- 
ehtra the graphic representatioo of the i>oliilical advance of Am- 
bedkariie movement is not pouible. To illustrate the poliiicai 
rise and fall oftfae AmbedkariCe movement graph of its peffor- 
mance in Punjab is given here. In Punjab, there are no divisions 



Rise & Fall of Ambedkarism in Punjab 





mr im& 


I moTumMut 


The ^raph here showing Ihe rise & fall of Ainbcdkarism 

is indjcaling the scrroiu set-back la the AmbedkariBe 

movcmenl not only ia fhe Punjab, but also all over India 

where ever it existed. 


In the party, therefore, a p^phic represenUlioo ia pdisiblft. The 
grapb in this boot covers the period from 1952 to 1980 when last 
General Electioa was held id tlie Punjab. 

The most tragic part of the Ambcdk.arite movement is that 
thelicutcoanlsofBaba Sahcb Ambedkaf not only failed to carry 
the Caravaji ahead, but also became a worst variety of Cltarachas 
to be operated by the worst eaeoiies of the Ambcdkarito 
mDvemcQi. As if this ifscif was aot enough, they hiive developed 
a vested interest in keeping the Ambcdkarile movemcnl down. 
Thus, those who sccic to revive the Ambedlcariie ftiovetfnent, espe- 
cially in MahajBshtia, must be prepared to meet a formidable 
opposition of the Ambedkaritft Chamchai. 

(2) Alienates the EIit« 

The Shudras and Ali-Sbudras bad been oppressed, exploited 
and ira copied upon for ccnUiries. After getting recognition and 
■ome rights, the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes got 
education in large numbers. These educated people wore a bsor* 
bed in public services in large numtrcrs. To-day the number of 
these educated employees in all sorts of public services is more 
than 20iflkhs. Some of the educated and semi-educated were 
adopted by various political parties to have access lo the S. C./S, 
T. vole bank. Th-us the emergence of the elite amongst the oppre- 
ssed Indians. 

Keeping the nature of this elite in mind, llerm it as tbe 
oppressed elite. This elite is not absorbed either by the ruling 
elite or the elite in the opposition- By both these varieties, it is 
mtd in the shape of chamchas. TTiepoliticolpart of this oppressed 
elite is simply known as the chamchas, bat the bareaucratic part 
of ii is termed by us as chamchas of the chamchas. Both these 
varieties bad been separately discussed in another ctapter- 

HeTe, we are interested in stressing upon the fact, that both 
these varieties of the oppressed elite hiid been itbcreAsingly aliena- 
ted from the general masi of the oppressed Indians. This oppre- 
ssed elite is product af the concept Of ProtectiVB DiscrimiQAtloD. 
This clite^ therefore, lead to concentrate more on those items of 
Protective Discrlmmation to protect their own elite interests. A 


vested Interest in proCcclivc dificnfflinatlOD has devctopcd and the 
struggle for the abolition, of ci3ste had been' de^geoeratcd into de- 
mands for Qiorc and raore concessions for the oppressed eHte. 
The creators of ihcs4 vatieli« of the chamchas, that is the ruHde 
cjsles, find ii in its own interest to encourage this alienation, for 
any real chan^ in the status of the scheduled castcsy scheduled 
tribes would disturb the citlstin^ status quo. Protective discrimi- 
nation hi* therefore become a game played by both the ruling 
castes and their chamchas (oppressed elite) where each group has 
ils owa inlercfll in preserviri^ backwardness. 

Ta tbis game of ali^natiod of the oppressed elite, all iho 
parties are maimaioine their own chamchas from these oppressed 
communttics. The maintaioing of this small fraction bad affected 
these oppressed commuaity very adversely. Whereas Che geotfal 
lot of the S.C-/S.T. communities over the last 35 years had been 
steadily deteriorattng mtich faster than the general deterioration 
amongst the people, the lot of the chamchas (Oppressed elite) had 
been improviag constantly, also at a much faster rate than the 
general contjition of the country* Thus the High Caste Hindiu 
have developed v«ted ioterest in playing this game of alienation 
ofthe elite. This alienation of the elite has reduced the general 
mass of the S.C./S.T and other oppressed Tndiaiw to Ch< level of 
bounden slaves. Over 90 % of Ihcso people are extremely hard' 
pressed evea for honourabte survival. Besides massive general 
deterioration in their living condilions. the cases of atrocities aga-« 
inst them arc increasing day by day and year after year. 

Tn the rural Tiidia. a vast majority of the oppressed Indians 
remain heavily dependent on the landlords for their atifvival, I( 
!S not possible for them to fight oppressioD, for the alternative is 
atarvatiom. Even a small assertion of independence can lead to 
joblessness which tbey dread. Where ever labour haj organised, 
landlords have commiLted most gruesome atrocities, burning their 
buls, raping their women and sometimes even burnirig them 10 
death. Only change in this exploitative rural economy could 
have liberated thena. Govt, of the riilmg caste is not interested 
in that. The oppressed villager cannot do it on his own, but the 


opprcssedditc whichia in a poaiUcm to do somelhing have be- 
come aiJcaaled Front ibe vast majority. 

In ihc urban areas slgms are mcreasing^ fooi'paih dwellers 
arc increasing. Who lives in Ihere ? The muHiplying multitudes 
of the S-C. SX and O.B.C, people, harassed by the feudal lorda 
ID the vJUagcs, landed in tbe lap of the slum lords of the ctlies. 
Prosti tales front these commuDJUes are over-crowdiag ihe red- 
Ifght arcas,nay, have come opeoly, nol only on the roads, but 
also on the rail tracks of cities iike Bombay. But the chamchas 
(oppressed elite) remain nncODcerned to all this, 

Eodless amount of examples cap be given from al] over 
India to iilust race the process and extent of alienation of the 
elite. In this process Dot ooly a few individuals but the entiio 
elite is involved. Even though we are not interested in citing such 
examples, but in the interest of olariiy and credibility in proving 
our point, we are roost reiucianUy giving on« example here with 
photographic illuscrntLon. This iLltistratioa involves Gavai fami- 
lies from Maharashtra. The iilustratioa proves our point most 
convinciDgJy. Dunog tue year 1974 the eyes of Mr Babruwaa 
Gavoi and his youoger brother were gouged in an attempt to live 
honourably in their viilagc where Babruwan's daughter gave 
birth to an UtcgiLimnte child produced by the vihage feudal lord. 
The incidence so much publicized at that time iitdicates the plight 
of the vast m^oriiy of the oppressed masses represented by tile 
Gavai brothers . 

On the other hand the opprcsst^ii elite from these persecuted 
commumtjes are on the asceDdency, be it poJiiical or bureaucratic 
part of the elite. During the same year of 1974 Mr. R.S, Gavai, 
president of R»PJ. was Dy. ChairniaQ in the Maharashtra Coun- 
cil and Mr- P.G. Gavai was Mome SecrcEary of the Maharashtra 
Govt . The aUenation does not end there, the gulf fcep[ widening. 
During the coming years, Mr. R.S. Gavai rose to be the Chair- 
man of the Maharashtra Council and Mr. P.G. Gavsi rose to be 
the Chief Secretary of the Govt, of Maharashtra whereas the 
miseries and the shame of fiabruwan Gavai kept increasing with 
the passage of lime. 


Alienation in Action 

The following 3 photographs convincingly convey dw 

ODtiivn? of alieoatiOD, rfsuJiiog in the uoEoriunaic and drastically 

diapro portion ate growth of ^ scgmcnCs of tbc S.CVS.T. 

coiDDiiiDitiea (i) Politicians (ii) Bureaucrates (fij) General loasa, 

repreyseuttd by 3 pboiographa. 

Dufi[^g the year of inciiltnC6-74 
Mr. R.S. Oavai, Prcsidcm, RPI 
was Dy. Chairman of the Maha- 
rashtra Council. Later, he rose 
to be the Chairman, Maha- 
rashtra Lcgi^lalive Council, 

During the year orunforlunata 
incidence* 74, Mr. P. G, Gavai 
was Home Secretary of the 
MahBTashtra Govl. Later, he 
rose to be Chief Secretary to 
tlie Govt, of Maharashtra. 

-- -,ir-l 

During ihe year of 1974, the eyes of Mr_ BabruwBn Gavai and 
his youngor brother svcre gouged in ad altempl \a Wvt honour- 
ably in Ihcir village. Later, with the pa^s.igc <>f time the 
miseries and the sharoc of Babruwaa Gavai kept growing. 

I again repeal ibat with a hcav> heart I am forced lo give 
this iUuslriiiioii io tlie jaiurcsi ot'clQiity and credibility in proving 
my po'tfiU I have no intention loinaJigaany indi^iduBJ. Besides 
when Eoch alicnalion can occur in Dr. Ambedkar's own commu- 
Diiy &nd in tbc Mate of Maharasbtr^i ^ow< mucb m-orc can it be bo 
ID oiber n>inEnual[ies and in oiber states, can well be imagined. 

(3) Desiroys and DUcoura gee indepeticlent movement of tlifi 
oppressed and Che czpJoitcd 

We have already ficen that bow Ihc abundance of chamchaS 
m our society bad destroyed the A m bed ka rite movement. Other 
smaller movements of the Scheduled Casles evaporated in the air. 
As an evil cfTrct of the cbaracha age the Scheduled Tribes could 
fiotdevelope political capacity to exercise political power for 
tbeir own good. Thfy seem to enjoy the cbamcha age. They feci 
contended with whatever is given to them. It Is no wonder that 
inspite of all ihc advancement over the years, there bad been never 
an S.T. cabinet miniator in the central cibmot, However, 5ome 
refrenhing developn:ient h that the tribal^ in the Nanb Cast and 
Jbarhhand pan of ibe c^ountry are 5martiag under pressure. 

The other Backward Castes (O.B,C.) appear ic be the worst 

vicliins of the chamcha age. The most opprcssetf und ejiploited 
people of our society i.e. the S.C/S.T. got recognition on J7 Aug. 
1932, along'With 3ome fights. Since then they are getting m<nt 
and more rights. Bui ihe O.B.O. are without Recognition and 
without Righifl even up to date, cvcnihough 50 long years hive 
lapsed. Dr. Ambedkar was ejiccedingly vtiEn in insisting od 
recognition first, whereas Gandhiji was pressing for fights without 
recognition during the Round Table Coofereaces of I93W2. 
Dr. Ambedkar got xccogniiioD for S.C.^ST, before the exit of 
the Britjsb. But duriqg that period the 0,B.Cs. left the matter to 
the good-win and 5weet-will of the High Casie Hindus. To-day 
J6 years alter the constitutional provision and in^ipiCeof Kafca 
Sahab KaleJbar and Mand;al Commission, O.B.C^', are without 
RccogoiiioQ and wiihout Rights. The O.B.Cs. dftim that they are 
W. What a rrapedy ? What are massive evil effects of the 
cbomtha age "? 


The NfiQC-rilUs are in Bhambles. The largest minority, the 
Muslims Eire worst vidims of the endlcaa and regularly recurrios 
comoaunal riots. Recently 45 MPs submitted (heir talc of troubles 
joinily through a memorandiim to the Prime Minister. What to 
speak or rcdrcssal, they failed to get cveu a hesrirtg frofD ihe Prime 
Minister, Sikhs led by AlfEkli Da[ are agitating against iojuslfces 
of the characba age. The Christiana and the Pareis used to bo 
active, interested and involved in all the walka of life. But to-day 
they appear to be disiHusJooed, drsintercsCcd and resigned- Ho 
wonder, of late, aomc worthies from ihcm started a Bombay based 
organisation for claiming Right to Die They may or may not gel 
the right to die. but the chamcha age has already killed the interest. 
aetise of involvement and spirit m them. 

(4) Gresates LeBder1«aaii«a« 

The oppressed aod ci^ptoitcd Indians n«d many things. But 
their most pressing need is leadership. Keeping in mind their 
population and enormity of problems, their requirement of leader-* 
ship is both quantitative and quaritative. To accomplish such a 
cnighty task, the leadership should be most capable and imagiuat^ve, 
interested and hard-working, kaowledgcable and well informed, 
must have foresight and vision, patience and perseverauce. Besides, 
the leadership should be sensible. It must have sense of timing, 
sense of prrorltics. sense of proportions and all other senses to 
meet ihc requFrements of the mighty task. But unfortunately tho 
firahminical system over the last so many cenlunc^ bad never 
allowed [hesc qualities to be developed in Lbc Shudras and tbfl 
Ati-Shudras. Even to-day the Hrph Caste mlers of India are not 
allowIflK these qualities to bo devetoped. The chamcbas are given 
opporfunitics and encouragements. But the real ff^dt^rft are DOt 
only denied ^pportunitt« and eflcouFageraeDts, but are also 
subjected to all sorts of hardships and handicaps. All this has 
created leaderlessness amongst them. 

(5) Killfltlke vplrit of revolt 

For ctniuries. the Shudras and Ali-Shudras had remained the 
worst slaves known to the woj-ld. During the BrilM rule, under 
the influci^ce of Wcsicm edoeaUon and culture, they revolted 


agam^t tbc Brahmmical Cuiiurc aJmosi all over India. Now under ^ 
the rule of the high CasuHiodus »ucli a revoli h discouraged, ** 
On the oiher hand the cbamchas arc created and eocoufaged. 
Eoormity of iht t&sk aod alroiand failure of the genuine leadership 
is almost killing the spirit of revolt. The danger h of reconcil^aiioo 
vJIh [he chaiDcha age. 

Everywhere in the world democracy means nilc of the 
majority. But la India 85% peop[e are ruled by 10 to J5% Higher 
Castes. Oui of the 35% people 52% are without rccogoilion and 
rights. In our democracy, they are helpCeas to do anything on ihcir 
own. The miooiily seems to have .consoHdated the rainohty rule 
by creating chwDchas out of tbe majority- Thus the chamcha age 
hai made the d'cmocracy meaningless ia India, 
(7) Kcepft the country poor aod tmckward 

Jodia is a huge country with enormous land, water, mincraJ 
and human resources, scientifically &nd technically advanced. 
With all this, ills the most poor fljid backward country in the 
world. This is the worst evil effect of the chamcha age. Because, 
]f a miaoriiy ia to rule over majority it must keep the majority 
ignorant, helpless, poor and backward. Thus in tKcir acnicty 
to keep the majority Ignorant and helpless, the ruling castes have 
managed ro keep the country poor and backward. 



8toog«s (diAmclias) on tlie AMcnduicy 

"When I opposed Mr. Gapdhi ia Round Table Cooferencesi 
there was a hue aad cry against me in the country and ihcrc was 
coospiracy in the so called natioftalbi presa lo suppress correspon- 
dence coming from my side and to boosl the propagaoda agaioft 
my pwty by publishing exaggerated reporia of meciings and 
CoDfetencM, many of which were never held. 'SUvci Bullets' 
wtre frc&ly used for crealing division in the ranks of the depressed 
ClasscSr There have been also a few clashes ending ia violence."* 

—Dr. B.R. Ambedkar 

This being Dr. Ambcdtar's cxpcncocc during the Round 
Table ConferOTices of 1930-32. held in England, was to become a 
regular feature no! only during his life time, but alao almost all 
the limes lo come- Black-oui and black-mail by the so called 
Dfttionalprcssof the news and views of Ihe genuine and indepen- 
dent leadership and ^iniggle or the cppprcssed and exploited Indiana 
is a regular feature, faced by all in the post and by as at present. 
It must remain so for the future. Use of force, strong-arm method 
and violence against the struggles ofthc oppressed is not only a 
matter of the p^it, but also occur abundantly to-day in almost 
every w&lk of life* as snd when the weaker sections tend to raisff 
iheir voice or bead. 

On the other hand, un-wantcd, un-descrving favourable 
propaganda for the stooges is a regular feature of the chamcha 
age. *'SiEver Bullets" of lWO-32 have been replaced by "Paper 
Bullets" aC present. The massive use or abu^e oJ^'Paper Bullets" 
is having a deadly effect oq (he movement of the oppressed, so 
much so, n is as bad as killed. "Silver BuJIete'^ used to cause 
division in the ranks of the depressed classes, but the "Paper 
Bullets" have reduced them all to one rank, the rank of achamcha. 
For many years chamchas appeared to be on the ascendancy. 


After the exit of the BHtisb, tho cmergeaceof maay political 
parties ai^d the atJuEi fratictuse gave bifi booaC to the chamchaa, 
Upto 15lh Auguil. 1 947 only tho GonFress ha4 become Mpert in \ 

CTcaling and mainiaining charachas. But after that the oewly 
Tonncd parlies, benefiting from the expertise of ihe Congress. 
created their own charachas. Thus withfn 10 to 15 years, we foand 
«verypanyhavingji3owQset of chamchas to have access to the 
Vote Banks of the oppressed and exploited Indian masses. 

Resfrvfliion in Legislatures and public services gave addilioaa] 
boost to Ihe ascendancy of the charachas. especially of the S.C,/ 
ST. variety. In ibe legislatures, aonc also could coolMt the: aeatv 
reserved for the S.C./ST_ Every parly waa forced to adopt 
candidate* only of S.CVST. origin for the reserved seats, whether 
ihcy like it or not. Thus ahundaQcc of chamcha* in the political 
field. The growth of our Republic aflcr 1950 created inilliona of 
new jobs in the public services and the public scotor. This growth 
gave big booit to the chamchas especially seeking undue favours. 

These armies of the chamchas were haviug happy timefl for 
about 35 years, say up to 1975. The happy conditon of the 
cfiamchas lured many a shaky leaden of the independent inovo- 
mcDts of tbc <ippresMd. so much so that the A-mbedkarito 
movement was almost destroyed, 

Ouuach&H in the ■onp 

At thisatage, around 1976, the economic concept of sup^y 
and demand had a polrli<:al effect- The deitruction of the indepcn* 
dent mo^cmcQi of the oppressed reduced tfaetr shaky leadenhfp 
lothe level ofchamchas. Thus the availability of ihc cbamchat 
was in abundance. On the other hand, with the destruction of 
the independent movement of the oppressed, the need For 
maintaJniflig chatncbas was very greatly reduced. This created a 
great competjijoo. During this competition Ambcdkariic chamchaa 
succeeded in throwing otii of the market a large set of traditional 

chamchas. Shortiy after that even Ambedkarite chamchas started 
landing io sjup one by one^ 

Thus, to-day we find only light-wcigbt chamchas in the 
market, whereas dIL the heavy vyeight-chamchas have landing fn 
soup one by one. Bu! the danger persists- With the rc-emcrgence 
of the indcpcndeni movcmcm of the opprcsicd, the di:raand for 
the heavy-weight chamchas will iircrease^ till then they must remain 
in the soup. 






r Ambedkar'a Efforts : 117 

1. Poftt Ambed^r Potltlan : 120 

3. CcnBinv & Capable L«ad«r*Hp: 121 

4. Sfaort-lerm Solucioa (Soc^l Actioa) I>-S|i 123 
S- l»Dg-t«nu Solution (FoUbIcaI Acdoii) i 127 
t. Durable Solution (GultUTAl Ghsuigc & Control): 13L 



Ambedlur could aodctpmVe 

"Things will be much worse under the system of joini 
ehctorales and reserved seals which wiir hcreifter become 
operative uDder the terms of the Poona Pad. lliis Is no more 
•peculation. The la^i dectiOD (1946) has coDcfusiveTy prov^ that 
the Scheduled Casles «q be compJctdy disfranchised in a joint 

— Dr, B,R, Ambcdknr 

'*Thc joint electorate i$ from the point of the KiaduA 10 uac a 
&miliar phrase a ^'rotten borough'^ in whicit th« Hindus get ttic 
ruhl to Domiaate elq iiatoucbablc to set noroin^ly a? a represen- 
tative of the uDtoiachablc but really as a tool of the Hindus." 

--Dr. B,R Afubedka^ 

From the above tvo quotations, iC is abuadaatly clear that 
Baba Sahcb Ambcdkar could clearly anticipate the outcome of 
the Poena Pact, Bciog a coostilutional expert and a dcmocralr 
ha could well imagioe the fate of the disfranchised people in a 
democracy based on adult franchise. He could also aoiicipatc 
the fate of the people whose re presenta lives were not real represen- 
tatives, but mere tools En the hand of iheir age-old cnemic5. 11 
was the helpleasncis of his people at Ihat lime thai forced him to 
sign the Poona- Pact under the coercive cffecis of Gandbiji's faat 
At that time, he must have thought of the times when tbo 
depressed classes would be less helpless to take up the challcoge 
and fight for their due. At any rate, he was there with us for 
24 years to fight the evil effects of the Chamcha age. 

EdUicate ! Aglt&tc It OrK-nise til 

To meet the chatlenge of the cbamcha age» he could dcvelope 
various ways and meaos. The best of all such ways and means 
was to f>rtpftre his people through the wefl-planned concept of 
Edacale, Agitate, OrganiBe, He thought that his people could 


be kepi slaves Tor looe '^"^^ because of their ignorance. Hc/ 
thererore, sought to eliminate ignorance through education. Thr 
VBiicos types of eHorts made by him to educate and cntighten his 
people are there for fiU of us lo see. The outcome of all thoic 
efforts is i\&o SO glaringly visible. The various (ype? of Btruegles 
launcbcd by him to meei the challenge of chatucba age bavc become 
B legend by now. The organisAtfODfl developed by him to mat thr 
cballciige in an organised tnaDner are also so famjlinr to all of us. 

Sep&rat« Se«l«menCs 

Keeping in mind the helplessness of his people that force<f 
(tie Poona-Pact od tbem he developed Another concept to remove 
their helplessness. It was menifested in Iht idea of Separate 
Svttluucnta for his people. He thought of eliminadne their' 
minoniy status in Iht villages, by way of creaung separate 
sctllemcDts for tbem, where they would be in majority. Thus, 
being in majority in such separate scltlemcnij, they could hive 
elected iheir real rtpTCTcntativcs to (he legislatures. Besides, these 
s*parBle settlements were designed to imprave their ccooomy. 
But unfortunately when the British decided to quit India after the 
IlDd World WaMhii idea of separate actfkments could ddC be 
taken up with the new rulers. 
|>EDadclatJon of the Poona-Pact 

When the idea of Separate SettlemerX* could not materialise'^ 
0r, Ambedkar a^in Ihoughl of Separate Electoratr* to mcci 
the chfllUngc of the chamcha age. For this, hc not only denounced 
PoOAA Pact, but also launched a massive agitation against it in 
|y46. During the year of 1947, he fiubmiUcd an elaborate 
mctDorardum to ihc Constituent Aascmbly pleading for separate 


Not only this, be kept np propaganda against the chamcha 
tge. He availed each and every opportunity to do that. Even 
to^ay we BTe guided by that propaganda. avaJlable to us, cspeciBlly' 
through the following 3 books :— -^ 

(i) Mr. Gandhi and the Ennancipatfon of the UntouchablcB,- 
(ii) What Congress & Gandhi have done to Ihe ' 

tlii) States and MinoriKofl- 



Maidagthe MovcmeiLt browl-ii&Eied 

After Ehc exit of Ibe BritiEh in 1947, Baba Sahcb Ambcdkar 
forgot about Sr^raie ElccioTattrs and 5ep«raic Settlemcau, 
bu( oo tiie ether hantl tried to broad-base the movcrocnt. Many 
instances ^n be sighted but the following 3 efforfs will provt the 

point : 

(1) Al ihc Scheduled Castes Conrcretice at Lucknow on 
25th April, 1948, Baba Saheb Ambcdkar made tbe Gnt »rJous 
c&brCinthis direction. The following quote from his Luckno^v 
speech will prove the point. , 

".r.I (hen turned %o the question of unity between ihc 

Scheduled Castes and the so^caHed Backwad Classes. This I did 
at the request of rhe leaders of the Backward Classes who were 
present at th« conference, I said il was a piiy that the two classes 
whose needs were common did not join together- The reason was 
that the Backward Classes did not like to associate themselves 
with the Scheduled Castes becauw they were afraid that auch an 
association will bring IhtfflstlvK down to ihe level of tbe 
Scheduled Cartes. 

I said that I was nol anjiTous to establish fnter-dioiog and 
tDter-marriagc between the Scheduled Castes af>d the Backward 
Classes. They [iiay well remain separate social tnlilics. There is 
QO reason why ibey shoiild not join hands to form apolitical party 
to remove (beir backward cooditioa. I pointed out how the 
Scheduled Cflsicfl have improved their condition by playing their 
part in the politics of the country and there is noreaaoa why the 
Backward Classes should not do the same. '' 

I said that the Scheduled Castes and the Backward Claises^ 
form majority of the population of the country. There is n& 
reason why Ibcy should not rule this country. All that is necessary 
is to organise for the purpose of capturing political power— which 
is your own because of adult suffrage. People do noi seem to buck 
up courage because they are overwhelmed by the belief that the 
Congress Government is there for ever. 1 said this is a wioog 
impression. In a popular democracy dO Govefflmenl is permanent 
and not even the Goveromcnt established by the two of the 
tallest CODgressraen, Pandit Nehru and Sardar Paid- If you 
organise you caa even capture thai Govcromentt" 


(2^ the«coTid seriousefToft WHS ma^Jein ?95f. when Baba v 
SaSfh Airbcdkar visited Palna on KYit ifivilation of 'he Baclfward 
C\9^^ kflrfsrs to frrm a single parly for S.C. & O.B.C Bm the 

incvvf wn^ defeated by Pandit Nehru by offering one chair 10 the 
OB.C. leader and by using 'Taper Bullets"' to atiract ihc greedy 

amonjcst thfrri. 

(3) The third and the last moil serious elTon wai '^^^^^ ^y 
bitn to bring rot only tbc S.C. & O.B.C under one banocr bm 
fliBO a!1 file opweBsed and espToitcd Indtdns whom we (o-day eall 
Dalit-Shoshit Samai under the umbreHa of a single polilical party. 
Bui anforlunalcly, he Ufl uson Dec. 6» 1956, before tJanslaling 

the ideal into actioD. 


During ihe last days of Baba Sahcb \mbedkar> fthile pusbiQg 
ahcod his p'anft and programmes, he was very much worried 
about the future without him. He was not sure about the capa- 
city, sincerity and devotion of his licuienanis lo carry the Caravaji 
ahead, afUr hint. Wc get a gfimpi^e flf such doubts from his ^asi 

picssage, *' If my iieutcnanis. arc nol able (o take the 

Caravan ahead they should leave it there, but under do circuni- 
stances should ihey allow the Caravan to go back. This is the 
message to my peopk.'* 

The inevitable happened. After the sad demise of Baba 
Saheb Ambedkar on 6ch Dec. 1956, his lieutenants made fccbJe 
efforts almost on all the fronts. Their failures on all the fronts 
are there for all of us to see- 

The set-back to the Ambedkarite movement, reduced many 
of his selfish, greedy and insincere licutenanis to the worst variety 
of Chamchas- They divided themselves into two halves. Half of 
them took to stooging directly by enferii^g Congress aod other 
paftiep. Another half thought it more profitable to siooge in- 
direcily. by forming small grtupa out of the organisations created 
l3y Baba Sah^b Ambedkar, 

This, in nui-shcll, is the sad stury of the Poit-Ambedkar 
period . 



To-day, whether to meet the chall-engfl of the chamcha ^fie or 
to put an end to the chamcha ape and usher fn bright ape for the 
Diilit-<:hofihif Safnaj, the most pressing need is of cennJiieajid 

All of us know that Baba Sahch Attibcdkar *hile himself 
leadire vs Cowards the brjphf Bpe, manflpcd to create Tor us the 
oppoTturitks for h»tthcr education. His iitron? belierwas that 
oolv hiehly educated leaders can meet the challenfle of the 
ehamcha ape. The rollowjne extracts from the Kaka Sahcb 
Kalflkar report will prf>ve the: point : 

"Q- ' -— WliaC according to you, coEUtiluleA backwai doess as 
it applies to the <;iruA(]Oo in India / 

Dr. Ambcdk^r :— Supposing / am left in the situation to 
do "Jomefhinu for the bc-tferment and Bdvonccment of India, f 
woald look at the social status of the commanity. Here in India 
people have pot difTcrent itatus— some are in the highest position, 
some are in the middle, some are s^ilMrsa and some are at the 
bottom. Our problem in not so much to distFibtJte wealth in order 
to mate evervhody happy ;otjr problem ii that different -itatus 
should disappear. It can diKappear only by advanceraeot of edu- 
cation, wheo all the coromuniiics are brought to the same level in 
the matter of cducataoo, not everjbody hut the community as such, 
if thereare 10 barristers, 20doctor3,30cngircersctc. in a com- 
rouoity, I regard that communiiy as rich, although every one of 
them is not educated- Take for instance, chnm&rs. you look upon 
thia commuLiity vriih hatred, but if there arc Tiomc lawyers, doctorst 
(DgiDcersand educated persons among them, you caimoi put 
your band upon (hem .... 

Q- 5 J— What remedy would you fu^gcsi for the speedy 
removal of the backwardncbs of so iLdoy cvnimualltes in India 
that are iuffcring from age-old soda3 bactwardacss and education- 
al apathy ? 

Dr. Ambedkar t— \ have suggested that if you produce big 
people frcxn amongst Lhcm, the backwardness would go. The 
backwardness is only a sort of inferiority complex/' 

Iri n Icngihy reply lo question 4, his answer was that for 
icmoving backwatducss it was essential to produte Jughly quaJi- 


fled and educated persons amooBst them ana tbec put theia in 
key posts. Tiiey could comroi any wrong being done, \ 

A& laic Id hia life us 1954, Eaba Saheb had bcco having such 
views. Oui ^vjLbin 2 years, our dear Doctor was co detect ihc worst 
diuaEje. [hen, insiead of prahe, he WHS to condamD thest^ bi^Jy 
educated men of status, occupy in^^ key posts. Hi:s coodeffiDdtiOd 
of these highly qualities ffien of status, occupying key post& was 
open and public, during b very well aiceoded public meeting on 
18tii Marcb, 1956 &t Agra. Aficrtbis detcctioD of the disease, 
during the coming a moDlhs left for him, be could neither dtag- 
noae nor ^d remedial mcaauiea. 

Id 1954, Dr. Ambedlcar wa^ tbiokttlg of 10 tawyeis, 20 
doctors and 30 cnginecfs. But during the coming years the 
Dumt>er ot such highly i^ualitied persons swelled to lakhs, because 
of the opportunities cnutcU by Dr. Ambedkar, tbey got key posts 
ind acquired siatua. Very unl'ortuoatcly, aiong with LhiK increase, 
the discaus apfead and became an epedcmic This epcdcmic 
killed the veiy ibougut of Batia Sabeb Amtiedkar which be had 
b»Q cntcfiainiDg and Qounshmg over the ycMis. The product ot 
huOicam anacHoiUi the highly educated pcrsoDs of status, occu- 
paring key posts, instead of becomiag a b^^Ur became a curiie for 
their oppivsttcd and cxpluiied cotDmuniiiea, in fact, for the entire 
DiUii^biioahil Samaj. laaieaa of costroliing the wrongs bein^ 
ck^Dc to tbcii com-munuica, ihey became the cause for many 
aauitioiaai wrongs. 

In ibe absence of Babo Sahcb Auibcdkar, his rieutenanis were 
hcipiQ!,. Ihcy simply ignored the epedemic. Much worse^ 
musCot them became a part and parcel of it. Around 1973, 
lome highly educated employees could themselves diagnose the 
di^fiiseaoa later named it "Alienaiion of the elite." The 
ai&taac ana tis evil effects had been dealt with tn a separate 
ctiapicr. As a cure BaMCEF was developed. The basic object- 
ive oi BAMCEJ-^ is ^Tay back to the oppressed and ciipioitcd 

BAMCEF has partly cored the disease, by way of flccuring a 
panittl check over the alrenation of the elite- In future, il is like- 
ly to become a perfect and permanent cure by beeojning a 
perennial source of Gvnaine tt Capable Icadermlijp. 



After makiniE arraonemenls for the geoolne b capfebltt 

1wiiIer«Wp wbichcnujd take care ^fcvcD (he worst disease like 
the alienaiior of the eViit, wc come to the problem. To solve the 
problem of the chamcba age sucwflfifullVj wc should split it in 3 

parEs as under : 

<t) To ra«et the challenge of the chamcha age. 
(ji) To put an end lo the chamcha age. 

(iii) To usher in bright age. 
Now after splittiDg tbe problem systematically and suitaMy, 
we can solve the problem one by od*. To my miod, by tackling 
the problem one by one, we can eomplfie (he task within 10 yrars. 
The solutions for these 3 parts can be lermed as (i) Shofl-tcnn, 
(ii) Lons-term» and (iii) Durable. These solutiooH arc briefly 
discus^d in 3 separate chapters. 

Social Action 

The Dalil-ShoshitSamaj Is lying low and reconciled lo \U 
lowly staiTia. U is a huge section of our society. Tbufi, the lowly 
and backward status of this huge section of oar society is keeping 
the country low and backward. This hixgc section must be 
awakened, aroused and pot inaction. Such action of this huge 
uotion of society, after its dwafceaing aad arousal may be termed 
as Social Action. 

Preparation for Social Acrian 

l|l CrcHtiag AwKkemng to induce arousal 

To awaken this huge section or our society many thoughtful 
measures aro required to be taken, Siich thoughtful measures may ■ 
beof2iypc*>W general (b) specific, based on is-BucH. 

(a) General meaBurca may be on social, economic. pollticaU 
religious anc) cultural aspects. Why such wide xaogiDa measures 
arc required 7 It is because the Dalit-Shoshil Samaj is in the 
dark on all sach Bronts. To enlighten ihem, awalccniag on all 


ihcse fronts 18 a musi, UdeUI and unless, ihcj ak awakened, 
iUcy cannot be aroused, uijicbs Cncy are aroused, ihcy caanot be 
iDVolvca. io lo involve ihem such widc-range awafceniog is a muat. 

n b ior this large scale occd of awakening on all the fronts 
thai we arc aiiaching io raucb iinpcrtancc to our awaJccoing 
squaos. Our awtttcning squads in aloioiC alJ ibe major Janguagca 
oi India, t:aicr to lOis need yi awakening. Our awakening 5qua<is 
aic iraiiiea to enJifihten the suppressed society on aM sucb fronts- 
jLCcpmg m mma me longstanding Jazincss of Ihe Dalil-Shoshit 
iiaowj, toe mctliod used b> our awakenJng squads is enlightening 
nnd awakening wniJc entcnaming. 

ibj :ipcciSc measures to create awakcniag arc based on issues. 
For example, lo spread Ambcdkaritc tdought, AmbcJkar Mela OQ 
Vkuccis was waduucd; lo ihiovf light on ihe cbnmcha age, pjona 
1**01 wa* dcDouncca; to form nabit oi using our own Jillle re- 
ftOuxce& in Dig way, inc 42LKJ kms. long Bicycle Pracbar Vatra is lo ' 
DC unoeiuULcn. ^^peunc measures arc required to throw iigbl on 
me aiiocitica coaumittd on tne S.C.;S,1. The non-impiemeni- 
uuon 01 inc rules, jcguiatiocs, pJans, projecis, programmiK and 
iawimc^nt loi ax.ys.I. cannoi be lackic-^j wiibom ihe mass 
ftuppun aud inaissuppuu lannot Iw secured wiltom rcsortinfilo 
►pcgiDi; mwtouicQ lor uwdkCQiQg, eoiightenirtg and aiousmg the 
g<jcceri]«4 mftMCa. lac poor rc^pjuse lor securing itc implc- 
mcmatiou ot tuc Maadal Commissioa Report ps for lawk of spwi- 
Hv medbuies being Jor arouuDf^ the concerned masses. 

I^ii) ULtreping ihe Dalit-Sboshit SnmBJ in Action 

'iiie problems ol tbe Daiit-Shoshit Samaj are many and on all 
tbe tronti;. lu iflckie ttiosc piobj cms with the help of the con- 
L«roeO masses, tbcy musi oe a%vakencd, arouied and put tnio 
BCUon> ay putting them in Bction accafiionally will not ^oWe all 
inou; problems, lucy, Lhcrefofc, must always be kept in action. 

(Ui> MQd to Wild ActSoD 

By and large social action should be mild, but conlitiuous 
without any break. Ii may be in one form or aeiother, may be 
lor one cause or another. To make it meaningful and effcctive. 
oocasiooally it will havetobewild. but non-violen». U will all 
depend upon the types of struggles. 


Examples of the Planned Social Action 

To undtrstaod Social Action foily and for the b-^nc&t of 
those aclivists who will be rcquicfd to uj-ltc ihe social action 
effective find sucMSsful in future, U is es^conal to give #fcff 
examples. The foUowJog 5 examples of the plaaneJ social a.nor 
of 4he p»«t, the present and the fatnre will be uwful, ft^th Fo 
EnakiDS Ihc general public understand social action and prcparin 
tbe activisi5 lo conduct social actios effectively and suct:essfiUly- 
The Pas* 
(i) Ambcdku- Mela on WlmIs 

Aiier shifiing our H-Q, to Ddhi, we noticed ibat in ibe 
surrounding states of Delhi ouf people were ignorant about the 
life and mission of Baba Sahcb Ambedkar, Tnose who were jiot 
ignorant and jnierested in the mission, were feeling demoralised 
because of alround failure of the Ambedk3,rile mission To remove 
this jgEjorancc and demoralbaijon, a social action in tbe form of 
Ambedfcar Mela on Wheels wijs planned. U was conducted for 
2 momhs, from l4-4-l9au to l4-fi'15ao. all arounJ Delhi covering 
9 stales After Ihc sutccsstul conduct Of this sociel action, 
iflooraocc aod demorttlimwu i?avc wajf 10 a new awakcuiQg and 
CQlhu^msm in all the 9 stjte* surrounding Ddhi Our presenj 
iucccss IS deeply rooicd in inc succosful conduct of thdl social 
action named Ainbedkar Mela on Wheels, 

The Present 

tu) PcDunciadon of the P«ooa Pact 

The Chamcba age is a product of the Poona-Paci. T-0 focus 
attention on the chamcha age. ibePoJiid- Pact wai daauuncud on 
the occasion of iisJOta AQO^v^^rsary, An eiabcuate pio^rarura^ ot 
denunciaiionwaspUinnedana conducted from 24iti Sept, (o 34th 
Oct 1982 starting from Pooaa and ending at Jallunder. Asa 
rcsdtofihispiattncJ social action, to-day almosi entire Dalii- 
^hoshit Samaj, all over tndia is a^itencd and arouicd against ths 
chamchaaec. Such awatcning and arou«! will gfcaily he]p us in 
meeting the challenge of the chamcha agfr. 

(iii) People's P»ry»nicnc 

ll was ihoughi Ibat ihe Dalit-Shoshil Saraaj wwnot adequately 
reoresentcd m the pad.amenl and wlut ever reprertotatiDu b Ih^rc, 
it IS in tne tbrm of Ctiam.^has wno cannon be cxpecicd to represent 
them fully and faithfully. To maLe up ibis delicicacy, on 25th Dec. 
1982 People's Pariiamcnt will be launched in Delhi. From DelJii 
ii win move to pUccs all ov^r India. di^Cll^slIlg and dibfttlng ll« 


|)rob9ems of ihe Dalil-Shoshii Samaj. Such a socfal acltoo is expected 

to- focus attentJon oa tbc baroing issues which arc not debated In \ 

(lie National Parliamen!. Besides, it will be a constant reminder 

for us to make the KationaJ Parliament, a rcalFy representative 

(Jv) Miracle tif two feet and two wfafrels 

la terms <:if resources, Dalil-Shoshit Samnj cannnr comrctc 

with the nilmg Castes. But to gtt tbefr due, it rau^ iioi only 

compete, but also defeat Ihe ruling Castes auccessfully. For this 

purpose, resources will be required. Dalit-Shoshit Snraaj, therefore, 

must leam to use its small and little resources in a big way. This 

way, Et can match the oppoueuts. To conduct one such e:iperiTiieaL 

the use of bicycle in a big way is planned- As per ibe present plan. 

about IDO <:yc1ists will start from Delhi on J5th March, 1983 and 
during 40 dayi period, they will propagate the thought to 7 states 
around Ddhi, while covering a distance cr42(X) icns^, Thu9, by 
this type of social action, bicycle can be used in a big way not only 
for propaganda, but also for clcciionec ring aad show of streuglh. 

The Fqlnre 

(v) Efforts for eqoAlity 

On Dec. 6. (983, LKS4, the organisation for social nciioti, will 
be 2 years young. On that occasbn the youthful &-S4 is planning 
tn launch an extensive and massive social action. This social action 
Milt be for equality. 

Whilcaddctissing the Constituent Assembly oa^ftliNov.j 1949 

Baba Saheb Ambedkar spoke thus 9 

"On 26lh January 1950. we are going to enter into a life of 
Cftntradiotions. Itt politics tte will have equality and in social and 

ec=>'"omic life wc will have inequality How long shall we 

cofilinue to live 'his life of coolraJiciiona ? How long shall we 
continue to deny equality in our social and economic life 7 , . . ''* 

As fill c,f u*i know that all along over Ihe last 32 years, we had 
been jivrpg ihjs Ufc of coniradictiQn=i. If anyihine, the gap of 
inequality h«s_ further widened. It has caused almost irreparable 
loss to the Dalit-Shoihit Samaj. To piii an end to this inequality, 
ao cKlensavc and a massive *;ocial action is a must. This social 
action wilt unfold itself after the ^tb Dcc.» (983 when it is planned 
to be launched, 

D-S4 — An organisation for Social Action 

In our mission, we believe in doing ihingi in an organised 
manner, D-S4 is our Organfjiatipn for social action. All future 
social a^^iioDS will be planned, designed and conducted by D-54. 



As Social AcEioa was found necessary to m«E the chaLlcnac 
of the chamcha ag«, PolHiail Acdon is our solution for puUing 
flnead la Ihcchamcbaafi?, But on the other hand, we under^ 
Maod thai the thamcha age is the product of prcsem day political 
aclivily. The cjsil oflhe British oo 15ih Aupuac, 1947, rcFnlied 
In the uansfer of power lo the Htgh Casie Hindus. But before 
the traTiafcr of power, the seeds for adult franchise were alrwdy 
(own, Tbe seeds soroailed and by the lime India became a Re* 
public wiihaconsiituiionof itsown^it wsuH^d ia thfl build-up 
ofa hiage Vo»te-Bank of the Dalit-Shoshit Samaj. 

All this created a very peculiar situation. In a democratic 
set-up, adopBed by us. the High Cfifltc Hindus could not rale India 
without the consent of the Dalit-Shosbit Samaj. Thus, to have 
■cctts to this Votc-BaDk> ihc ruling Castes required the help of 
the chainchaa. All tJiis Eias b«n elaborated In a separate chapt-cr. 
But our problem here iS ihat we need a Political Acdon to Up- 
root Che product of the present day poMCical activity. Such a 
political action, therefore, will have to be altogether different 
from ihc present day political aciivily availabte to us. 

Present political acttvjcy & its outcome 

To build-up ihe required political activity ofourown.wc 
must know and undcrsiatid the present day political activity and 
its outcome. After the exit of the British, the high caste Hindus 
■tartcd sharing power amongst them. The political and the 
bureaucratic power fell into the hands of the Brsihmiiis. The 
S.C-/S,T. fiot 22.5 % Tc&crviition: evenlhoiigh their rep rescQla lives 
remained chamchas in the hands of the ruling Castes. In the 
bureaucratic machine, they got opening at various levels. T^or the 
last 20 years, ihey are gelting iheir full quota Ln the top adraim- 
atrative fcrvices of ihe Centre. 
O.B.C— Th« worst saflHtrcm 

But the worst sufferers are the Other Backward Castes 
(O.B.CO. After the e^iil of the Brftifth, tbey got a Iron nd set- 
back. Their share, in both ihe political and adnTims,trative power, 
had been almost entirely eaten by the hieher castes, especially the 
BrahmiQG. As per Maodal Commission Report O.B.C. population 


Is 52 % of (he total por^ulalioEi of India, Oa Ibe olhcr hand, the 
popuiaiion of the Brahmins and Kshatriyas is abour 8 lo 9 Ji of \ 
tb? total. Bui in the prcscDtparliamenMhese 8 Id 9 % people 
we represented by 52 % M,Ps., whereas ihc 52% 0. B.C. people 
arc reprt«ate4 bj S to 9 % M-Pa. In a parlUmcmary demo- 
cracy such represcnuiion makes all the difference. As A result of 

this imbalance, the cniire power structure IS grossly lilted against 
Ihe 0,B.C. To illustraU such a gross tilt at all the important 
kvels 2 Chans arc presented in Ihis very chapter. The outcome 
of the entire present day poliiical activity can be wel] understood 
from these cbarls. 

TamiU Nadu & U.P.^A rtndy in coutrart 

Regfirding the position of O.B.C. lo-day Tamil Nadu and 
Uttar Pradesh present a study of contrast. In TamM Nadu the get its full quota in both polUical amd admi nistralive 
spheres. It keeps increasing with the passage of time. Whereas la 
U.P., the 0,B.C* arc worst-placed. As per the latest election of 
May-JuQC i980, politically one Brahmin was equivalent lo 23 

backward per^oos. As per U-P. Govt, the pcrcenia£c of gaMted 
officers of O.B.C- In 1946, 1955 and 1960 stood at SO, 0.47. (1.70 
respectively. Ffora this contrast, we can learn a lot for huidiag our 
own politioul activity. 

Fc^Utical Party at aur own 

To-day Id India, we have 7 Narionallevel political parties. 
All these? parlies are led by ihc High Caste Hindus, ThL-y control 

the aJfaiirs of their parties in a manner to perpetuate liigli caste 
rule. Dahi'Shoshit Samaj is helpless inspire of SS'^i ^^tcs ai their 
disposal. lE is widely felt thuiwc must ha-ve our own political 
party. In the pas^t some efforts were made^ but without success. 

Recently we have conducted some experiments towards building 
such a party. Such experimentations known as Unaited Political 
Action will be further conducted lill we feel sure of forming a 
poiitical party of National level on our own. Through such fl 
political party of the Dalil-Shoshit Samaj PoUHcal Action for 
putting an end to the chamcha age will be launched. 


Chart indicating the Political and Boreaucratic grip of 
the Brahmins over India of to-day 


Union Cabinet Mmisters 

Private Secrclanci to Mimstcrs— 
Cobinei, Stale & Depaty 

S«retary, Addl. Secretary, 
Joint Secrciary and ihcir 
equivalecL at ihc Centre 

Chief Secretaries to Sialc Oovta. 

GoverocryU. Governer 

Sccrttary to Governer/ 
Lc, Gov-ero-ci 

Supreme Court Judges 

High Court Judges and 
Addi, High Court Judges 

AmbassadoTs/Hi^ Comissioners 

■ ' -"■-■"I 

Vice Chancellon 

Chief Ejieciilivcs of Public Sector 
Undertakings coming under 

(i) Centre 

(b) State 

LA.S, Officers tbottom to top) 













No. Of 
















































o 2 












S^ ^ 




5-1 u-i 

5 " 

5 '^ 




.^ jS 



In the last 2 chflplers we have concluded thai (\) lo meet the 
challmge of the ch&rocba age, we need Social Action and (it) to 
put an end to thechamcba age, we need Political Aclion. But 
to U3ber in Bdgfat Ag«, will be th.e tougbCBt task before m, 
before this generation or even before the coming generations. It 
will need a complete cultural cbangc and an aUogcibcr different 
coQtrol. Only such change cai] briuf about durable solution. 

The real and bavlc probtctn 

InlDdia,6ur real and basic problem is social, religious asd 
cuiturai. Everything ehe is outcome of this basic problem. The 
cbamcba afc is just a minor oulcoiDC of this major basic problem. 

In India, we have a religion of ihc Sbastras, having peculiar 
rellgioua noiiooB. TJic religious notiouSt not only domiuale, but 
also make the culture Tb? domination of tbese roMgious notions 
has resulted in creating a peculiar cuUurc which can be termed 
as the Culture of the Gavtea. In other countrie*, they say 
religion is persona.1 hm culture is comroon. Thus, the^ can be 
separate. But in India, botb are one and Che same thing. 
Oftstc — Criax of ffae; problem 

Dr. Ambedkar had written 2 major essays on the Caste, 
namely : 

(i) "Caster in Indisi their origin and their mechaTiism.*' 

(ii) "Annibilatioa of Casle." 

Leaving aside bis crusade against caste and his other writioga 
OD it, even on the basis of these two essays, be can be considered 
tbe greatest authority on caste* As per bis thought Casie System 
II a Social Sysieni which embodies the arrogance and selQshness 
of a perverse section of the Hindus who wer« superior enongh in 
social status to set it ld fashion and who bad auihoiJiy lo force it 
on their inferLora. To enforce such a dcgfading social system 
very har&h penal &anctionfi were required which were provided by 

Caste syitem made the Hindus sickmen of ladta and their 
liclncss affected the health and happiness of other Indians, This 


becflm* a major problem for all Ihc Jndiaos, Much has b«n ^id 
againsntiis evil system by many, much more can be .ajd. But 
here, we should conclude by saying that ihe caste had been the 
problem ofthc Indiana iQ the past, it stilUemams a crux of iho 

problem to-day« 

In the past caste was paraded opetaiy and casle rKlrrdions 
observed very stricily. For long time, the hi?h status Of a casle was 
a paying propwUion. Duf ing the middle of the 19 th century, 
revolt agalMt this evil system wag iniliated. it spread (a the I sE 
half of the 20th century, so much so that by 1950 J( started 
becoming a double-edged sword cutting both ways. The High 
caste Hindus sensed the danacr, w much so thai they p^ot the caste 
column Tcmovftl fr(>m the census records. So, to-day for any 
authcmic and recorded information regarding caste, we arc re- 
quired to look back to the 1931 c«nsDs, 

To-day caste is verv much there, Bui it is in the disguised 
form. Therulinn Casi«, being in minority, do not speak much 

*bout it, bat are in a iKi*iition to DTactisc it secretly and Tavoura- 
biy to their own castes. Not only that, it has become fashion with 
the ruling castes to apeak a^tn^t ft openly and practiae it secretly, 
especially to relain the levers of the power in their hand. Loot at 
Ihc performance of Nehra. he not 47 % Brahmins elected to Ae 
LokSabhaduring the hdflbt of his regime during the 1957Parha- 

mentary polls- Alonii with the 22,5''^ reserved quota of the 
S C /S. t. m Lofc Sabha of the parliament; Nehru ji kept rulmg 
India and Indians maie^licallv. But by 1980 the caste equation 
changed, espcciallv whetl a Scheduled Caste candiatc Bahu Jaz- 
jivan Ram aspired to be the Prime Minister of India- So in 1580 
Tndra ji was required to get some 15% Kahalriyas elected to secure 
majority alougwith H% Brahmin M. Fs. 

In the last chapicr, 2 charts have bteo added to show tho 
grab ofihe political and admiflisiraiive power by the Brahmins. 
Here, we are ioteresied only poioiing to the fact that how power is 
grabbed and retained by the chflogc of caste Equation*. Surely you 
carnOl have caste equations without caste considerations. And at 
the same time these c^tperis in casic cquauoos from Nehru to Indra 
keep OQ speaking against caste and keep on dubbiog others as 


Social System 

(A product of SrahEninlun) 






10 TO IS'/. 









65 TO 90V, 





IS, F.J 

Tfausk-clchof (he Sock! System sFacds like a stfucturc. In ttui 

Atnj-clujc the castes are the buHdiDg bricks. A mere look at tha 

stnicLure will cox^vioce ils, that ii \% an epitooie of JBciiualiiy, 


T— TT 

How Une aystem Btanda 

in this very chapter a sketch baa been added eo indicaie. how 
Ihe caslc system or lie social system stands. In tbis siracture. 
castes art ibc building bricks. Fbe stetch is self espUnBioiy, The 
beneficiaries or the system bavc coroered aU the 5 major powers 
and aourcesof the powers, oajncJy : (1) Political {!) Burcaitcrstic 
(3) Feudal (4) Economic and (5) Cultural In the stetth, the 
castes shown flslbe intermcdlaTy castes which arc not a part of 
iboOBC have also benefirted and advanced even thougb they 
happen "to be the Shudfa Castes, religiously spcakicig. Wbcrea$ the 
victims of the Byatcm are losers ail around and on eve.y front. 

Kevolt in ifac p^st 

In the recent past, many rebellious spirits all over Ifldis 
revolted agaiDst this culture of the cart«. The revolt of MBhalma 
Jyotiba Phule, Perijar E.V. Raraaswamy, Narayanflguru and Baba 
SahebAmbcdkar is outstanding. A plelbora of literature is avail- 
able about ibeir revolt and the success ihcy met. Here, *c wish «> 
take note orttiemcaM adopted by ihcm to change this culture of 

the castes. Satya Sbodhat Samaj by Mahatma Phule, Rationalism 
and Alhcism by Pcriyar EVR and Buddhism by Baba Saheb 
Ambedkat were the means applied by tbeffi for affecting change. 
T«>-day whale looking at the fate of these means, we feel disappoin- 
ted. It appears dial this culture of the castes has the strength and 
the sUong backing to recover the lost ground. But neverthel^sa the 
efforts of our crusaders, have resulted in the emancipalioo of the 
mind. It will be greatly tiseful for further expansion of our 


Tmvk for the furare 

In Ihe light of the past experience it can be concluded that 
the task for the future ia tremendous, especially when *c know the 
hiddenand open Uckingthiscultureofthfi castes is getting from 
the beneficiaries of the system, BtJt to change this cultitrc of 
p«*fect iD^qnaHty into the one of Absolme Eqaality must 
remain our cherished goal. Thepresept culinre is controlled by 
bcncficiflrica of the system- But the changed culture of absolute 
equality must ever remain in the hands of the victims of the 
present system. It is a ^^^ to avoid sabotage and subversion. 
This is the lesson to be learat from the fall of the Maurya Empire, 


About the Autho^ 

The author <ii this book, Mr. |^^Mp.H|.K y*-W^. 'V; 

Kanshi Ram is not a writer but i^^^Kfe^ n> -^^^ 

anorganiser of fiomestanding. ^^^^E^ 

for the last ISv^^rsor so he is ^^^|V^- ^^^^ 

bdsy m organising the oppres- ^^^^ 

sed and exploited Indpaosof jT 

various varieties for varicus ' 4^ 

purposes. The basic purpose 

of these orsarirsatfons is ta , 

improve thelotof Theoppies- 

fied and exploited Indians sociallv. economicallv- PO'>t»catly 

and m fact in every waik of human activity and relationfihip. 

He is keenly interested in building a movement of the oppressed 

and exploited Indians \o SJCUfS them their due and lake iheit 

movement to the logical end i.e. power 10 the people- To 

accomplish ell this he has founded the following four 

Institutions ; 


1. BAIVfCEF : Mon-Rellgious, Non-Agftalional and Won- 
Political Organisation of sbaut 2 lakhB educaied employees 
to strengthen the Non-political roots of the Oppressed & 
£j(ploitedl Society. 

2. BUDDHIST RESEARCH CENTRE : Not to mix religion 
with (he secular activity, a separate Institution : "Buddhrsi 
Research Centre" was started exclusively fof rellgioiis activity, 

3. D ' S4 ; (Dalit ■ Shoshit Samaj Sangharsh Samiti) An 
Organisation for Agitation. ) 

4. POLITICAL PARTY: ret un^named. Steps initrated 
since April, 1382 for building a National level parly for the ^ 
Oppressed and E}eploited Indians.